Wednesday, January 30, 2013

Cultural Development of Kamrup Kingdom

Kamarupa was most powerful and formidable kingdom in North East India ruling by Aryan rulers of Varman and Pala line from its capital in Pragjyotishpura and Durjaya in Western Assam and rulers of Mlechchha lines from its capital in Haruppeswara in central Assam. From its capitals, its culture and influence grown to nook and corner of the region.


Sources of information

With Jaya Pala, who was probably the son or grandson of Dharma Pala, the line of Kamarupa kings, tracing descent from Bhagadatta, comes to an end. It may therefore now conveniently take stock and discuss how far Kamarupa progressed materially and culturally during the rule of these kings from the fourth till the twelfth century A.D. The materials on which such a discussion may be based, with some degree of confidence, are however meagre. The account left by the Chinese pilgrim refers to conditions in the seventh century. The various copper-plate inscriptions however, though they were the works of panegyrists, afford some glimpse into the actual state of the country and the people practically throughout the whole period.


Early development

The most important development that took place in Northern India towards the close of the Upanishad period, not many centuries after the Mahabharata war, was the rise of Gautama Buddha and his religion, Within a couple of centuries after Buddha's nirvana his religion spread far and wide. It is difficult to believe that Pragjyotisha, which was so close to Uttar Kosala and Magadha, could remain free from Buddhistic influences, but though strange, have it from Yuan Chwang's account that in the seventh century A.D. the people of Kamarupa worshipped the Devas and did not believe in Buddhism. According to him, there were a few Buddhists in the country, but for fear of persecution they had to perform their devotional rites in secret. 

It seems that Yuan Chwang made an exaggerated statement, for, in his biography, Silabhadra is said to have informed him, before he started for Kamarupa, that the law of Buddha had not then widely extended in that country. This indicates that Buddhism was then prevailing in the kingdom but not to a wide extent. The king Bhaskar Varman was himself not a Buddhist though it is said that he treated accomplished sramans with respect. The eagerness and persistence with which he desired an interview with the Chinese Buddhist scholar in his own kingdom and his reluctance to part with the scholar show that he really had great respect for illustrious Buddhist professors. His Nidhanpur inscription begins, no doubt, with the adoration of his tutelary deity Siva but, immediately after this adoration, he proclaims the victory of Dharma, the sole friend of the Creation, the cause of prosperity in this and the next world, whose form is the good of others and which is unseen but whose existence is inferred from the results." Here is a clear reference to the Law of Buddha, Vidya Vinod would ascribe this reference to Bhaskar Varman's association with Sri Harsha who, though not himself a Buddhist, was a patron of Buddhism and who was, to a considerable extent, influenced by his Buddhist sister Rajyasri. 


This is not, however, probable for the inscription was recorded immediately after the conquest of Karnasuvarna, at least thirty years before Bhaskar Varman met either Yuan Chwang or Sri Harsha. Evidently the influence of Buddhism was felt in Kamarupa long before Bhaskar Varman came to occupy the throne. According to the Rajatarangini, the Kamarupa king of the fifth century, who was the father of Amritaprabha, was himself a Buddhist as his religious preceptor was a Tibetan Buddhist. The fact is that Buddhism spread into Kamarupa at a very early age but it was not widely accepted as a faith by the people at large. Gait, in his History of Assam, wrote:


"It was formerly thought that Buddhism had at one time great vogue in Assam, but this view seems to have been erroneous There is no trace of this religion in the old records and inscriptions."


The above statement will not stand scrutiny for, as stated above, the Law of Buddha is mentioned in the inscription of Bhaskar Varman himself. Similar mentions are found in the inscriptions of Indra Pala and Dharma Pala. Indra Pala's first inscription mentions a sasana or charter connected with the name of " Tathagata " which cannot but mean Buddha. It seems that close to the lands granted by this king there existed a chaitya or stupa, over some relic of Buddha, in favour of which an endowment was made by a previous king. It should refer here to the strong tradition current in Nepal and Tibet to the effect that the mahapari-nirvana of Buddha took place in Kusinara or Kusinagara, a town in Kamarupa. In fact Waddell identifies it with the modern town of Sualkuchi, some nine miles to the west of Guwahati and eight miles to the south of the temple of Hayagriva which is still visited by Bhutanese Buddhists. Kusinagara was, however, the chief town of the clan of Mallas who cannot, by any means, be associated with any part of modem Assam. Waddell's identification is evidently wrong. Very likely Kusinagara or Kosinagara was a town on the east bank of the Kosi as it emerged from the Nepal hills. It was therefore probably a town, on the Nepal border, within the modern district of Purnea which was, in the ancient times, included within Pragjyotisha. The Tibetan tradition was not therefore baseless. 


In his inscription, Bhaskar Varman is said to have revealed the light of Aryan religion "Aryadharma" in his kingdom by dispelling the accumulated darkness of the Kali age. It is not sure that here also can detect a particular reference to the Law of Buddha. It may be that Arya Dharma meant the Buddhist or Brahmanic tenets as opposed to the tribal beliefs of the numerous non-Aryans who lived in the country. Bhaskar Varman and his predecessors were Saivas and not Buddhists or Jainas and, being also regarded as good Kshattriyas, they were naturally looked upon as the patrons and protectors of the Brahmans. In the neighbouring Magadha empire the rulers, like the Mouryas and the Guptas, were either Buddhists or patrons of Buddhism. The Mourya emperor Ashoka, with his missionary zeal for the propagation of the Buddhist faith, must have done all in his power to popularise this tenet within his empire without going to the length of persecuting Brahmans. This is why a large number of Brahmans immigrated to Kamarupa at an early period. As pointed out by Vidya Vinod, can find, in a single village in Kamarupa, more than 200 families of Brahmans about, in 500 A.D.


The kings of the dynasty of Salastambha, between the seventh and the tenth centuries, were perhaps more orthodox in their religious beliefs than their predecessors, the descendants of Pushya Varman. In the inscriptions of these kings do not find the slightest trace of any reference to the Buddhist faith. These kings were the worshipers of their tutelary deities "Kameswara Maha Gauri" mentioned in the inscription of Vanamala. They had their capital much further up the Brahmaputra in modem Tezpur. They therefore found the necessity of having another shrine like Kamakhya near their capital. The second Kamakhya temple, on the Kamakuta hill near Silghat, mentioned in the inscription of Vanamala, was therefore founded. In this inscription mention is made of the numerous temples in the country and the sound of incantations proceeding from the various places where Yajnas were performed. Vanamala himself rebuilt the large temple of Hatakeswara. This system still persists in the Siva temples of Hajo and Dubi in Kamrup and it may have been part of the Tantrik system. 


Whatever that may be, although Brahmanic rites were widely prevalent amongst the populace there is no doubt that Buddhism also flourished, for it is mentioned in the " Sankara Digvijaya " that Sankaracharya, the famous leader of the Brahmanic revival, in the beginning of the ninth century A.D., came to Kumarupa in order to defeat Abhinava Gupta, the noted Buddhist scholar, in controversy. Abhinava Gupta probably belonged to Kamarupa or at least flourished there in the ninth century. About the same time, or a little earlier, Kumarila Bhatta, another Brahmanic leader., flourished in India. It is believed by some that he was a native of Kamarupa. The fact that both Abhinava Gupta and Kumarila Bhatta, two well-known leaders of two opposite schools, flourished about the same time in Kamarupa, clearly shows that there were adherents of both Brahmanism and Buddhism in Kamarupa during the rule of the earlier kings of the line of Salastambha. 


Sculptured images on stones and terra-cotta plaques, which unmistakably represent Buddha and which can be assigned to the tenth or the eleventh century, have been found from excavations at Guwahati. One of them is a distinct image of Buddha on a thin stone-slab, the figure exhibiting the Abhay mudra. The other is a terra-cotta votive tablet with the image of- Buddha stamped on it.

It is true that both of these images are of a portable nature and might easily have been imported from outside the kingdom by some Buddhists. Terra-cotta plaques with the stamped image of Buddha, exactly similar to the one found at Guwahati and, as a matter of fact, impressed with the same stamp, have been found in large numbers in Bengal and Bihar. Evidently these were sold at places of Buddhist pilgrimages but their occurrence in Guwahati shows that there were then Buddhists in Kamarupa. Another important find from excavations in Guwahati is a large and heavy stone-slab containing the image of a deity with four faces and eight arms and a Chaitya above the head as tiara. The image is carved in the centre of the slab, all round being lotus-petals carved deep into the stone. One side of the slab is broken. The sitting pose of the deity is adamantine (vajrasana). It is probable that this is the representation of Mahapratisara, a Buddhist Goddess of the period of Tantrik Buddhism. According to the Sadhanamala, a Buddhist work, the Mahapratisara should have a Chaitya above the head. The image is however so corroded now that it is hardly possible to interpret it with confidence. In any case, the stone-slab on which the image is carved is certainly not portable. 

When the Salastambha dynasty was succeeded by the dynasty of Brahma Pala and the capital was removed to the vicinity of Guwahati the same tutelary deities, mentioned as "Maha Gauri Kameswara" in the inscription of Indra Pala continued to be worshipped by the kings.

Indrapala's first inscription states that his grandfather Ratna Pala established numerous Siva temples in the country and that during his reign the houses of Brahmans were full with riches presented by the king, the places where Yajnas were performed had numerous sacrificial altars and the sky was overcast with the smoke caused by numerous homs. It is said of Indra Pala himself that he was well-versed in the Tantras. It is clear therefore that Tantrikism had then been already introduced into the kingdom. This system, as an offshoot of Buddhism of the Mahayana school, developed about the ninth century under the Pala rulers of Magadha. 

It was the Pala king Dharma Pala who founded the Buddhist university at Vikramasila which became the famous centre of the Tantrik doctrines. From this centre Tantrikism probably spread into Kamarupa and Tibet. Babu Nandalal Dey wrote :


"The improvement which Nagarjuna introduced into original Buddhism in the first century A. D. and which was known by the name of Mahayana system, assumed a new phase on the revival of Brahmanical doctrines, during the early Gupta period and gradually developed into Tantrikism from the eighth century when the Pala kings began to rule over Magadha and Gauda. The worship of the images of Buddha and Bodhisvattas with their female energies (Sakti) and other Buddhist Gods came into vogue, which, during the continuance of the rule of these monarchs, still further developed into mysticism and sorcery. Tho mantra yogacharyas maintained the popular propensity for magic rites and mystic practices by the performance of marvellous feats. Hinduism also imbibed the spirit of the time and the Buddhist Tantrik rites were absorbed in its system.".


This is how Tantrikism originated. It ultimately spread into Kamarupa and established for itself a stronghold in Kamakhya. This disposes of Sir Edward Gait's supposition that Tantrikism originated in Assam. The Kamarupa kings, probably after Brahma Pala, adopted Tantrikism as their tenet and, as a result of this royal patronage, Kamakhya soon became a renowned centre of Tantrik sacrifices, mysticism and sorcery. That system of mystic Buddhism, known as Vajrayana and popularly called the "Sahajia cult ", found its way into Kamarupa as early as the tenth century, is corroborated from an unexpected source. 


It is found from Tibetan records that some of the eminent Buddhist professors in Tibet, of the tenth and the eleventh centuries, hailed from Kamarupa. Giuseppe Tucci states, on the authority of two Tibetan works viz "Grub To'b" and the "Bka ababs bdun ldan" that the noted Buddhist Siddha Minanatha, who was looked upon in Tibet as an avatar of Avalokiteswara, was a fisherman from Kamarupa . The statement of Mahamohopadhya Pandit Hararaprasad Sastri that Minanatha was a native of Bengal belonging to the "Nath" or weaver caste is evidently incorrect . It is also found from the same Tibetan records that Rahula, another Buddhist teacher in Nepal, was a Sudra from Kamarupa. It is said that he was a disciple of Nagarjuna who should not, however, be confused with the famous preacher of the Mahayana. The preceptor of Rahula was perhaps the Nagarjuna mentioned by Alberuni who stated that Nagarjuna flourished about 100 years before his time. Thus both Nagarjuna and Rahula can be placed about the middle of the tenth century. Nagarjuna was also a physician and alchemist. In the Kamrupi Ayurvedic pharmacopoeia there are still certain specific remedies which are associated with the name of Nagarjuna.. Besides Minanatha and Rahula, two other Buddhist teachers mentioned in Tibetan records viz. Mohidhar and Darik also very probably belonged to Kamarupa. Minanatha is supposed to have been the author of a work known as Akulaviratantra and he is mentioned in the Sabaratantra as one of the twenty four Kapalika siddhas. The fact that Minanatha, one of the 24 Kapalika siddhas, hailed from Assam leads one to suppose that the very revolting religious practices associated with the Kapalikaas, perhaps to some extent exaggerated by their opponents, were at one time in vogue in Kamarupa, at least among the lower classes of society, such as the fishermen. 


What connection these Kapalikas had with the votaries of the Sahajia cult is not known. There is however evidence to show that the Kapalika sect existed as early as the time of Asanga and Hari Varman about the fourth century A. D. Evidently both of these sects were off-shoots of Tantrik Buddhism and both practised similar rites. Abhinava Gupta, to defeat whom Sankaracharva came all the way to Kamarupa, was the author of two well-known works on Tantra viz, the Tantrasara and the Tantraloka. Evidently, in the ninth century, Abhinava Gupta had a great following in Kamarupa and that is why Sankaracharva found it necessary to fight him. These Tantriks have of course been painted in the blackest colours by the Brahman revivalists of an earlier age and by the Vaisnava reformers of a subsequent period, but a considerable mass of Tantrik literature has now become accessible to scholars some of whom do not seem to subscribe to the sweeping condemnation of Tantrikism as a tenet. Here is what Giuseppe Tucci, a competent authority, has got to say on the subject :-


"Very little attention has been paid up till now to Tantrik literature; and yet, apart from some exceptions, the Tantras contain almost nothing which can justify the sweeping judgment of some scholars who maintain that they represent the most degenerate form of Indian speculation. On the other hand, after a careful study, I cannot help seeing in them one of the highest expressions of Indian mysticism, which may appear rather strange in its outward form, chiefly because it do not always understand the symbolical language in which they are written " .


The probability is that the esoteric teachings of the tenet were high and sublime but they were actually comprehensible only to a few, called Siddhas, whereas the common folk were mystified by the feats of sorcery performed by the lower order of the preachers who could thus trade on the credulity of the common people and compel them to submit to their demands. It is therefore well that these esoteric teachers and their practices were suppressed by the Brahmans and the Vaisnavas, of a later period, not so much with the help of the ruling kings but chiefly by appeal to the common people themselves. The influence of Kamrupi Buddhist preachers in Tibet incidently proves the close cultural connection between Tibet and Kamarupa in the early ages. It is find the Tibetan Buddhist scholar Stunpa acting as preceptor to a Kamarupa king, probably Bala Varman I, in the early part of the fifth century. The image of Buddha found at Guwahati, exhibiting the Abhaya Mudra, with its distinctly Mongolian physiognomy and a thick shawl covering the whole body, down to the ankles, seems to be unmistakably of Tibetan origin. It will appear from what have stated above that several noted Buddhist scholars, as well as critics of the Buddhist doctrines, flourished in Kamarupa between the eighth and the tenth centuries. 


It find from Yuan Chwang's biography that during his stay in Nalanda a learned pundit of Kamarupa went to engage in a controversy with the Buddhist scholars and professors assembled there. According to the account of the Chinese pilgrim, Bhaskar Varman was a lover of learning and Kamarupa was a seat of learning. He found that during the first half of the seventh century students from other parts of India came to Kamarupa for study. It has been pointed out that Visakha Datta, the author of the well-known drama Mudrarakshasam, who flourished towards the latter part of the seventh century, very probably belonged to that part of Kamarupa which lay between the Teesta and the Kausika . It is reasonable to suppose that he belonged to the colony of Nagar Brahmans settled in the Chandrapuri vishaya. This is indicated by his surname Datta. It is not therefore at all strange that Kamrupi pundits were honoured in other parts of India also. In the copper-plate inscription of Ananta Varman, the Ganga king of Kalinga (Circe 922 AD.) It find the mention of a Kamrupi pandit, named Vishnusomacharya, to whom Ananta Varman granted lands. This Brahman belonged to the Parasara gotra and his native village was Srangatika in Kamarupa. It is not possible now to identify this village in Assam or Northern Bengal with any degree of certainty.


The inscriptions of Vanamala and Ratna Pala, while describing their capitals, specially mention that they were abodes of many learned men, as these kings were patrons of learning. The Kalika Purana, a well-known work, gives the Sanskritized names of most of the rivers and hills of Brahmaputra valley. It gives a full account of the Naraka legend and the old city of Pragjvotishpur. It dwells upon the special merit and sanctity of the shrine of Kamakhya. There is hardly any doubt that this work, like perhaps the Yagini Tantra, was compiled in Kamarupa probably at a time when the kings claiming descent from Naraka were ruling, when the capital was in the neighbourhood of the old city of Pragjyotishpura and the shrine of Kamakhya and when Tantrikism was the prevailing tenet. It can therefore tentatively assign this work to the eleventh century when the kings of the dynasty of Brahma Pala, who claimed descent from Naraka and particularly distinguished themselves from the previous mlechha dynasty, were ruling. In the Kalika Purana the mantra given to consecrate the sword meant for the human sacrifice runs as follows :-


"Asir visasana Khadgastikhnadharo durasadah Srigarbho Vijayaschaiba Dharmapala namastute."


The sword is here eulogised as Dharma Pala meaning " protector of the faith ". However, it is possible to detect here a reference to king Dharma Pala of the Brahma Pala dynasty. It would not therefore be quite unreasonable to suppose that the Kalika Purana was compiled during his reign and perhaps under his auspices.


Chinese pilgrimage accounts

In the seventh century Yuan Chwang found that the language spoken by the people of Kamarupa differed only a little from that spoken in mid-India. This shows that the language then spoken in Kamarupa was a Sanskritic dialect. It was probably an eastern variety of Prakrit bearing close affinity to Maithili and it was no doubt the parent of modern Kamrupi or Assamese language. The Chinese traveller's account also makes it clear that, even at such an early age, the people in general had adopted an Aryan language and that therefore Aryans had settled in the kingdom and diffused their culture many centuries before his visit. The language used in the dohas, by the Buddhists of Kamarupa in the ninth or the tenth century, was not necessarily the actual spoken language. These dohas were composed in a language which was perhaps the lingua franca in Eastern India at that time. It find from the inscription of Vanamala that, towards the middle of the ninth century, he reerected the lofty (like a peak of the Himalaya) white temple of Hataka Siva which had fallen down. Probably the temple had been destroyed by an earthquake. It is evident that this temple was rebuilt with bricks and stones and was white washed. The inscription of Bala Varman III states that Vanamala erected a huge palace consisting of many rooms and decorated by carvings. Again in the Ratna Pala inscription it find it mentioned that in his capital at Sri Durjaya, towards the middle of the eleventh century, the disc of the sun was hid from view by the thousands of plastered turrets. The Indra Pala inscription states that Ratna Pala constructed numerous white temples of Siva throughout the kingdom. These references make it clear that architecture had reached a high state of perfection during the rule of these kings and also earlier. As a matter of fact, architectural remains, going back to first millennia, exist to this day. Although no regular archaeological exploration has yet been undertaken in Assam the existing remains are by no means inconsiderable. In sites of old cities like Guwahati, Tezpur, Silghat and Bishnath, one can notice scattered remains in abundance.


Standard of architecture

That both the builders and the sculptors of ancient Kamarupa reached a high standard can be judged from the few remains that have so far come to light without any regular exploration. The modern town of Guwahati, which represents the site of old Pragjyotishpura, was probably sacked and destroyed after the death of Bhaskar Varman when Salastambha usurped the throne. It ceased to be the capital for more than three hundred years during which period perhaps even the ruins largely disappeared. It is not known definitely whether the kings of the dynasty of Brahma Pala used it as their capital. 

In late 19th century, the foundations of an old stone and brick enclosure wall in the eastern part of this town were dug up in order to find out stones to be broken into road-metal. Numerous carved and chiselled stones were broken into fragments to provide road metal. Some were preserved, not by the authorities, but by individuals taking interest in relics of antiquities. Since the establishment of the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samiti, some of these scattered relics have been collected and placed in the small museum of the Society. These collections include some sculptured images of deities, chiselled octagonal or hexagonal stone pillars, carved stone pedestals of pillars and finely carved panels containing figures of elephant-heads en face, lion-heads and human heads, used to decorate the outer side of the stone plinths of palaces or temples. The elephant-head en face is a peculiarity of Pragjyotisha as the kings invariably used the same emblem in the metal seals of their copper-plates. The rock-cut images of Vishnu and Ganesa found in or near Guwahati similarly go back to an early age. The shrine of Pandu contains five rock-cut figures four of which represent Ganesa and one represents a female deity, probably Durga. Two more figures cut in the open rock below, facing the Brahmaputra river, represent, according to Mr. Dikshit, the sun-god and Indra respectively . 


Numerous cuttings on rock are to be seen also on the western slope of the Kamakhya hill. These include miniatures of temples of the sikhara type with small lingas enshrined in them and also rock cut niches containing lingas and figures or Ganesa. On the west side of the Kamakhya temple is a modern temple, known as Ghantakarna, into the basement of which stone fragments of older temples have been built. One of these fragments, as described by Mr. Dikshit, "is a beautifully carved frieze in which the band represents a series of garlands and the lower scroll-work, in which some very spirited representations of animals occur. Only four animal figures of the series viz a buffalo, a deer, a lion and a tiger are extant, but the quality of the art manifested in them is unsurpassed in Assam". This is also undoubtedly a ancient piece of sculptured art. Mr. R. D. Banerji thinks that these carvings belong to the seventh or the eighth century A. D. The ruins existing in or near Tezpur are much more extensive and varied in character. The Dr. Bloch conjectured that the modem civil stations of Guwahati and Tezpur stood upon large mounds " which contain the remains of two ancient cities." In 1906, while foundations were being dug for additions to the Deputy Commissioner's office in Tezpur, the excavators came upon the remains of an ancient stone building. A large number of carved and sculptured stones were discovered. The majority of then were transferred to the compounds of the European officers and the tea-planters club for the purpose of decoration. Some of them were subsequently brought to the Cole Park and arranged there. The Mr. R. D. Banerji, Superintendent, Eastern Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, wrote as follows in the Annual Report for the year 1924 - 25.-


" On examination of the remains in the park at Tezpur and those preserved in the Planters' Association or Club at the same place I find that the carvings belong to three different periods of history and therefore must have belonged, at least, to three separate buildings. The most remarkable sculptures of the first group are two shafts of pillars at the entrance to the Planters' Club and a heavy lintel of a stone door-frame now lying in the public park. The shaft of one of these pillars is sixteen-sided, the upper end being ornamented with a broad band having kirtimukhas at the top and the lower with dentils. Over this band the shaft is round and appears to be lathe-turned like the upper parts of the Western Chalukyan columns of the Bombay Presidency. In the second pillar the upper part of the shaft is dodecagonal and near the top is divided into three raised horizontal bands two of which contain kirtimukhas and the third a series of diamond-shaped rosettes. In style, both of them belong to the same period and appear to have come from one and the same building. The lintel of the stone door-frame in the public park also belongs to the same period and most probably to the same building. It is divided into two different parts. The upper part represents five miniature temples with the phallic emblem of Siva in each of them. In the lower part it see a continuation of the ornamentation on the jambs, viz., two vertical bands containing meandering creepers and two others consisting entirely of rosettes which turn an angle and are continued on the soffit of the lintel. In the centre of the lower part of the lintel is a small niche containing a miniature image of Ganesa. It appears from the nature of the carvings that the temple to which these three architectural specimens belong was erected late in the tenth century A. D. The length of the lintel is 6' 10' and the breath 1 " 5 1/2".

"The second group of sculptures at Tezpur consists of specimens from a massive temple on the ruins of which the office of the Deputy Commissioner has been built. On each side of the entrance of the Planter's Club at Tezpur lie the door-sill and the lintel of the principal entrance to this enormous temple. The size of the lintel enables to determine the size of the door-frame and consequently of the principal entrance to the sanctum. The enormous lintel is 10' 3' in length and r' 8' in breath. There are three raised panels on it, one in the centre and one on each side and each of them is divided into a large niche in the centre with a smaller one on either side. The panel on the left contains a standing figure of Brahma in the central niche with an attendant on each side. The central panel is occupied by a figure of Surya with two attendants while the panel on the extreme right contains a standing figure of Siva with an attendant in each of the side niches. The space between these raised panels is divided into six niches, three to the left of the central panel and three to the right. They contain six divine figures which cannot be identified. All the niches are separated from each other by a round pilaster z' in height, the height of the lintel itself being 2’ 7 1/2."

According to the general practice in Hindu temples, the central niche or panel of the lintel of the stone door frame of the sanctum is generally occupied by the presiding deity of the temple. It appears certain, therefore, that this gigantic temple was dedicated to Surya or the Sun god. The sill of this door-frame is also of gigantic dimensions and shows a vase in the center flanked by two lions satatant. Each end is occupied by a niche containing a male and a female and flanked by a smaller and narrower niche on a recessed corner, containing a single human figure. It is a pity that the jambs of this enormous door-frame have not been discovered as yet. The large jamb in the public park appears to belong to a much later period. It is impossible therefore to deduce the height of the door-frame correctly, but it is obvious from the length of the lintel and the sill that the height of this door-frame could not have been less than 15'. If the height of the stone door-frame of the main entrance to the sanctum was 15' then the height of the interior of the chamber must have been 20' to 25`, leaving to imagine the total height of the spire or sikhara of the original temple, which must have been considerably over 100'. 


The majority of the carved stones in the public park at Tezpur are taken from the plinth mouldings and string-courses of the gigantic temple, the door-frames of which have been described above. The string-sourses were ornamented with kirtimukhas of various shapes and sizes and sunken panels containing ornamental rosettes and meandering creepers. Some of them are evidently portions of enormous capitals which were held together by metal clamps or dowels. In the center of some of these pieces there is a projecting niche flanked by round pilasters containing divine figures. In one of these niches it find a fat female squatting on the ground, holding a piece of cloth over her head, while a female stands to her left with her hands clasped in adoration. The second specimen of the same type contains the figure of a goddess holding a lyre in her hands, evidently Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. A third specimen contains the well-known group of Kamalatmika or Gajalakshmi, more commonly known in Bengal and Assam as Kamale-Kamini in which two elephants pour water over the head of a goddes from vases held in their trunks. A fourth specimen contains figures of Siva and Durga seated in the well-known conventional posture so common in images of this particular type in northern India. The outlines of the plinth mouldings show that the medieval architects of Assam employed the same motifs and figures as those in other provinces of northern India. 


Some of these ornaments appear in relief as diamond-shaped and circular rosettes, set in between arabesque work of a type known to from the temples of Orissa. The most remarkable specimen in the collection in the public park at Tezpur, however, is a slab taken from the upper part of the plinth mouldings. It is divided into a number of sunken panels by means of circular pilasters, each containing a male or female, two females or two males. Beginning from the right it find a man fighting with a lion, a male playing on a flute and a female dancing by his side, two males playing on conch shells, a male playing on a drum and a female dancing by his side, a female playing on a lyre and another dancing to her right, a male playing on a drum and another dancing to his left. This slab apparently formed part of a series of similar panels all round the lower edge of the walls of the sanctum. Another slab bears on it a conventional representation of the Chaitya-window pattern, so common in the temples of Central India, especially those in the Rewa State and at Khajuraho. The interior of the sunken panels is entirely covered with geometrical patterns with a half rosette in the center. The second group of sculptures at Tezpur belongs to a temple erected in the twelfth century A. D. if not later. 


The size of the stones indicates that the temple was very large in size and provided with a very tall spire. There are two specimens in the public park at Tezpur which appear to belong to another temple of some later date. One of these is a high door-jamb and the second a slab bearing three sunken panels occupied by very crude human or divine figures. The entire collection contains only a single specimen carved in the round, a lion, presumably on an elephant. The conventional representation of the lion shows that the inhabitants of the Assam valley were not very familiar with the king of beasts." As remarked by Mr. Banerji " Assam is the only province of India the history of the architecture and sculpture of which is still practically unknown." It is for this reason that it have made a lengthy quotation front the report of a competent authoriry on the subject. It is, however, in doubt whether Mr. Banerji's conjecture that the ruins in Tezpur town represent only temples is correct. The remains of the stone building dug up in the Kutchery compound may he of the palace of Vanamala which he erected in the ninth century. It cannot, however, agree with Mr. Banerji that any of the buildings mentioned by him was erected in the twelfth century for, towards the end of the tenth century, the capital Haruppeswara was, in all probability, abandoned by Brahma Pala. The buildings in Tezpur must therefore belong to the ninth century. 


 Further, the lofty temple the ruins of which he has described in the quotation given above and which, he conjectures was a sun-temple, may be the Himalaya like temple of Hataka Sulin which Vanamala is said to have recrected. In his report for the year 1925-26. Mr. Banerji gives a full description of the Bamuni Hill ruins to the east of Tezpur town. In his opinion the remains belong to a group of seven shrines. He wrote :


"Six of these shrines are situated in a large rectangular enclosure, namely, one in each of its four corners and two large ones in the centre, while the seventh stands to the cast. The pavements inside the garbhagrihas of both of the larger shrines in the middle of the enclosure are still intact. One of these central temples was originally smaller in size than the other. The larger temple faces the north and an antarala with a circular sculptured door-step intervenes between its sanctum and its mandapa, which must have been gigantic in size. The shaft of a pillar seen in the debris measures 10' 8" in length and I' 8" in diameter. I may also mention a cross-shaped bracket which measures 4' 6' x 4' 9" and a huge lintel ornamented with horned kirttimukhas which measures 6' 8" in length and 1' 8' in breadth. An image of Nataraja measuring 2' t" in height and 1' 6' in breadth, with one head and six hands was discovered among the ruins. Another lintel measures 12' 1' X 3' 6' x 2' 5". The door-jambs of the larger temple are lying on the top of the ruins and measure 5'4" in length and 2'4' in breadth. Each of them is decorated with a raised hand on each side with a row of miniature temples superimposed in the centre. The band on the left jamb hears a meandering creeper pattern and that on the right a row of rosettes alternately square and round. There are three miniature shrines in each horizontal row in the centre. There is a large panel bordered by two round pilasters with a trefoil arch on the top in the centre and an exactly similar panel or recessed corner on each side. The smaller panels contain male or female attendant figurines. The central panels contain the figures of the Man-lion, Parasurama, Balarama, Boar and Ramachandra incarnations of Vishnu. Many of the faces of the square brackets bear oblong panels with basreliefs. One of them bears the figure of a male and a female dancing side by side."


The ruins discovered at Parbatia, to the west of Tezpur town, are far more interesting. The following is Mr. Banerji's description of these ruins:


" Close to the modern civil station of Tezpur is the small village of Dah Parbatia which possesses the unique distinction of having within its limits the ruins of the oldest temple in Assam. The ruins consist of the remains of a brick-built temple of Siva, of the medieval period, erected upon the ruins of a stone temple of the later Gupta period, circa sixth century A. D. The former collapsed, during the earthquake of 1897, revealing the stone door-frame of the older structure. At some subsequent date the local villagers built a crude, hut on the mound, which had collapsed at the time of my visit. The mound is nearly 20' above the surrounding ground and is entirely covered with large rubber trees and small undergrowth. The door-frame stands in front of a large block of stone with a square cavity in its centre. Most probably the older linga was fixed in this hole. The carving, on the door-frame is characteristic of the style of the early Gupta schools of sculpture, of which so many examples have been discovered at various sites excavated by Sir John Marshall in northern India. The carving on the jambs consists of high reliefs in the lower part and four different vertical bands of carving in the upper. In the lower part of each of the jambs is the figure of a female deity whose divine nature is indicated by the halo behind her head. Each of the goddesses stands with a garland in her hands in an elegant posture and these two figures appear to represent Ganga and Yamuna, so common in door jambs of ancient Gupta and mediaeval temples. These two larger figures are attended, in each of the jambs, by a number of smaller ones. At the bottom of the jamb on the right are two female figures, one standing with a Chamara and the other kneeling in front, with a flat receptacle containing flowers. A third female figure is seen with a chamara behind or to the right of the main figure. To the left of the halo it find a nayi kneeling and to the right two geese flying towards the main figure. The lower part of the jamb on the left is not so well preserved as that on the right. Here it find a female standing with an indistinct object to the left and another to the right or in front of the main figure, the lower part of which is damaged. On this jamb also is the figure of a saga kneeling to the right of the halo of the main figure and two geese flying to the left of it. The upper part of each of these jambs is separated into four long narrow vertical bands two of which are continued on the lintel. The first of these begins from the head of the naga or of the nagi and consists of a meandering creeper with extremely beautiful ornamental foliage in the interspaces and the second of a straight vertical stem from which issue a number of lotus leaves and other conventional flowers. Two dwarfish figures are observed at the, bottom holding on to the stem. The third band is made up of four super-imposed panels containing human figures standing on oblong bosses bearing ornamental foliage on their surfaces. At the top, each of these hands ends in a vase with ornamental foliage hanging from its corner. A pilaster, square in section, rises from the vase and ends in a cruciform capital, with a sprawling gana on each of its arms. The fourth hand consists of a vertical row of ornamental rosettes. As in the case of the Gupta temples at Bhumra in the Nagod State, Nachna-Kuthara in the Ajaigadh State and at Deogarh in the Jhansi district, the lintel is larger in size than the door-frame, extending a little on each side of the jambs. Two of the inner bands of carving on the jambs are continued as horizontal bands at the bottom of the lintel and exhibit in the centre in high relief a beautiful flying male figure holding a garland in its hands. Above these two ornamental bands is another band in higher relief containing a number of Chaitya-windows so common in the Gupta temples at Bhumra and Deogarh. In this case there are five Chaitya-windows in all, arranged in a row on the surface of the lintel Three of these windows are large while two are comparatively smaller in size. The one on the extreme right contains the figure of a male seated on a throne, with four hands, two of which are broken. One of the left hands holds a damaru, the peculiar small drum of diva while the' space below the throne shows the waves of the sea. The window between this one and the central one contains a horse-headed male figure, with two hands, kneeling. The central Chaitya-window is the largest of all and has a suparna, the mythical deity half man and half bird, on either side. The Chaitya-window itself is occupied by a figure of diva, in the form of Lakulisa, seated with a rope tied round his leg. A female is holding a cup to his left while another stands to the right. The window between the central one and that on the extreme left contains the figure of a man seated and playing on a flute while over his head is seen the hood of a snake. That on the extreme left contains in its medallion a beautiful image of Surya seated cross-legged holding lotus flowers in both of his hands. The attendant to the left holds a pen and an ink-pot while that on the right holds a staff of the orthodox description. The door jambs are 5'3' in height and 1'4' in breadth while the lintel measures 3'9' in length and 1'3' in breadth. The artist's sense of proportion, the beautiful symmetry of the figures and ornamental devices and the excellence of execution tend to prove that this door lintel belongs to the same period as the great schools of sculpture which existed at Pataliputra and Benares in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D."


The temple at Parbatia is therefore not only the oldest but the finest piece of architectural work in Kamarupa. This temple must have been built by a predecessor of Bhaskar Varman in the fifth or the sixth century A.D. During the clearance of the ruins of this temple a number of terracotta plaques, showing a seated human figure in each, were discovered. According to Mr. Banerji the moulding of the torso and the general technique proves beyond doubt that these plaques cannot be later in date than the sixth century A.D. Two of these plaques reveal the existence of a modified form of the acanthus motif in Assam in this early age. This device has been noticed in some of the Gupta temples of other parts of northern India notably at Bhumra and Nachna Kuthara. Another striking feature of this piece of work is the-pose of the figures of Gangs and Jamuna which seems to be characteristically Greek while in their anatomical correctness these figures resemble Hellenic art more than anything else. 


Relics of ancient architecture and sculpture are not confined to Guwahati and Tezpur. They are to be found in many other places. Two images were discovered on the Golaghat-Dimapur road. One of them is an image of Vishnu which is now preserved in the museum of the Kamaruppa Anusandhan Samiti. With regard to this image Mr. K. N. Dikshit wrote :-


"It is a very fine example of the ninth century art of Assam and is inscribed in characters similar to those of the Harjara inscription from Tezpur. The right hands and the feet of the image have broken off, and the halo behind the head is lost. The left upper hand holds the conch and the left lower the gada. Vishnu has all the usual ornaments, the kaustubha and srivatsa symbols, the sacred thread and the long cable-like garland reaching to the knees (vanamala). The expression of the face and the treatment of the lower lip and the crown are characteristic of the late Gupta sculpture. The inscription is engraved on the right side of the image and consists of four lines in very corrupt Sanskrit verse" .


Ruins of ancient edifices have been found in Bishnath and also in Negriting. In the last named place the medieval temple was actually built on the mound containing the ancient stone-built temple. Both in Umananda and Aswakranta in Guwahati the medieval temples were built with stones and carved images belonging to more ancient temples. The Ananta-Sayi Vishnu of Aswakranta is a piece of of sculpture of very high merit. It belongs probably to the tenth or the eleventh century. Another very fine piece of sculpture, now deposited in the museum of the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samiti, is an image of Vishnu of the Yogaswami variety sculptured on black schist. The image exhibits the Dhyana mudra and is surrounded by ararana devatas such as Durga, Ganesa and Kartikeya with the winged Garuda: below it. With regard to this image Mr. K.N. Dikshit wrote


"the presence of Ganesa and Mahishamardini on the right leads to the inference that the idea was to depict Vishnu in the centre of the five gods (Panchadevata). ; The deities on the left one-should have expected to be Siva and Surya, but actually they are different. The upper figure is apparently in the attitude of Hanuman or some attendant of Vishnu while the lower one resembles an 'ascetic seated cross-legged. It is likely that the figure represents the donor as a devotee."


There is a collection of stone images and other architectural fragments preserved at the entrance of the Sub-divisional officer's residence in Sibsagar. These are believed to be the remains of a Vishnu temple, in the neighbourhood, dating approximately from the tenth to the eleventh century A. D. According to Mr. Dikshit " the sculptures follow in the main the artistic traditions of the school represented by the Tezpur and Bamuni Hill temples of Central Assam, which are assigned to the ninth and tenth centuries ". Very probably the ancient temple near Sibsagar was constructed by the Kamarupa kings of the tenth or the eleventh century and it is thus evident that even till the eleventh century the Kamarupa kings exercised their rule as far as the easternmost corner of the Assam valley. Mr. Dikshit also remarks that "the affinities of Assamese art would seem to lie more with the schools of Bihar and Orissa than with the contemporary Pala art of Bengal. This is not unnatural as of the streams of influence that have moulded the culture of Assam, the strongest current has always been from North Bihar and Mid-India". 



Silsako
The cultural affinities between Mithila and Kamarupa have already been alluded. Another instance of the architectural and engineering skill of the people of Kamarupa in ancient times was the construction of stone bridges over rivers. There is still a small stone bridge in the western part of North Guwahati which is called Silsako. The other Silsako (stone bridge) was over a channel of the Barnadi, an important transit point from west. Bridge was destroyed by the great earthquake of 1897. It appears that this bridge was constructed without lime and mortar and such construction was no doubt necessitated by the heavy rainfall in the country and the luxuriant vegetation which attacks all masonry structures in which mortar is used. Hannay, who in 1851 saw and measured the bridge, wrote as follows :

"From the great care taken in the chiselling, squaring and fitting up of the component parts of the whole, as well as the great size and weight, the work is one of great strength and solidity. And this accounts for the good state of preservation in which it find it in the present day ; for with the exception of the masonry of the abutment at each end, in which large trees have taken root and displaced the stones, the rest of the structure may be said to be entire. From a fracture in one of the pillars I observed that. the upper blocks were kept in their places by means of iron pins firmly wedged into the lower ones; four apparently through the centre and one on each side of the_square of the shaft, and although not visible, other portions of the work may be iron-clamped ; the slabs of the platform were marked with clamping holes and on the edge of the outside slabs are three square holes (3 inches square) which were no doubt intended for the wooden supports of a balustrade. Several frieze-carved blocks are also lying near the end abutment from which I imagine the entrance of each may have been ornamented or these may have been gateways." "The design and style of architecture of this bridge evidently belongs to a remote period in the annals of Kamrup and, in its original structure at least, must be co-eval with the erection of the ancient Brahmanical temples the remains of which are found so widely scattered throughout the length and breadth of Assam ; the works of its former Brahmanical kings, a race long ago extinct in the annals of modem Hinduism and of whom the present race in Assam know nothing ".


Both sculptural and architectural skill degenerated during the medieval period as, until the medieval kings were thoroughly Hinduized, the art lacked royal support and encouragement. The result was that when in the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries the medieval kings set themselves to rebuilding the Hindu temples the Assamese sculptors of the day, known as Silakutis, were hardly equal to the task. Their sculpture was distinctly inferior. The finer images that it now see mounted on some of these post-medieval temples were actually recovered from old ruins. In some instances the medieval kings did not disturb the mound of ruins at all but erected an inferior brick structuxe on the top of it, the scattered old stones being commonly used for steps leading up to the mound. There is clear evidence to prove that quite a good number of carved and sculptured stones, chiselled bases, columns and capitals belonging to an older age found scattered or recovered from old ruins were utilized by architects of more recent times in reconstructing temples demolished either by the subsequent invaders or by earthquakes. Old bricks also have been similarly utilized. Such old bricks and also pottery, belonging to a period much earlier than the advent of the medieval rulers, can also be met with here and there. The collection of pottery in the museum of the Knmarupa Anusandhan Samiti, recovered from excavations in Guwahati town, includes certain specimens which exhibit the ceramic art of a bygone age may be a very old age, possibly pre-Aryan but here also lies a field of study entirely unexplored. Remains of military fortifications like Garhs and of works of public utility such as embanked roads and tanks, belonging to the ancient period, are still in existence. 


The large rectangular tank in Guwahati, known as the Dighli tank, is clearly of ancient origin. The Dighli tank in Guwahati is believed to date back to the time of Bhagadatta for, it is said, the tournament of archery, arranged in connection with the marriage of Bhagadatta's daughter Bhanumati, was held on a platform erected over this tank. It is said that a fish was tied aloft at the end of a long pole and the great archer Karna looking at the image on the water aimed overhead and pierced the eye of the fish with his arrow. He thus won the.tournament and obtained the hand of Bhanumati but, at his request, she was married to Duryodhana, the eldest of the Kauravas. It is on account of this relationship that Bhagadatta sided with Duryodhana in the Mahabharata war. The Hajarapukhri in Tezpur is a large tank excavated by Harjara Varman in the ninth century. Masonry buildings, roads and fortifications constructed by the kings of Kamarupa were not confined to modern Assam. They existed also in that part of modern Bengal which was included in the old kingdom of Kamarupa. One can find in the accounts of Buchanan Hamilton and Glazier and also in the contributions to the journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in the last century, many references to cities, temples, roads and fortifications erected by these: kings long before the rise of medieval kings.


Warfare technology

It have already alluded to the development of arts and industries during the time of Bhaskar Varman, the extensive use of iron in making weapons of war and armours for men and even elephants and the building of large war-boats which constituted an important arm during the attack on Karnasuvarna both by land and water. Even till the time of the medieval rulers the soldiers of Assam were proficient in naval warfare. Harjara Varman's rock inscription, in the early part of the ninth century, shows that the boats maintained by the king were numerous and, even in so wide a river as the Brahmaputra, regulation of boat traffic was found to be necessary in order to prevent collisions between the royal barges and the boats of fishermen. Vanatnala's inscription states that the royal boats were beautifully carved, painted and decorated and also fitted with musical instruments.


Metallurgy

Iron was plentiful as in the adjacent hills iron-ore could be had in abundance and iron-melting by a crude process was known. Of the more precious metals, gold and copper could be obtained within the kingdom-itself. From time immemorial, till very recent times, gold-washing had been practised in the rivers of Assam. The Subansiri (Suvarna-sri) derives its name from the gold that it carries. Even the water of the Brahmaputra was known to contain gold for it find a clear mention of it in the inscription of Vanamala wherein it is stated that the river carried the gold dust caused by the friction of huge gold-bearing boulders of the' Kailsa mountain. Jaya Pala, the last king of the dynasty of Brahma Pala, offered, according to the Silimpur inscription deciphered by Mr. Basak, to make a gift of gold equal to his own weight to a learned Brahman over and above 900 gold coins. It is evident therefore that gold was, by no means, a rare metal in the kingdom in the old days. Incidentally, the reference in the Silimpur inscription proves that the Kamarupa kings used to mint gold coins though unfortunately no such coins have yet been discovered. The inscription of Ratna Pala mentions the existence of a copper-mine within the kingdom which the king worked with profit. Evidently copper was used for coinage also. Harjara Varman's ordinance, inscribed on the rock, prescribed a penalty of 100 cowries for infringement of the regulations. This shows that the cowri was a legal tender but it does not mean that metal coins were not then in circulation. In the vicinity of Sadiya existed a temple having a root made of coppersheets and this temple was dedicated to the goddess Durga called Tameshwari mai. This temple was erected by the premedieval kings.


Crops

Rice was then, as now, the staple crop. The extent of the lands, granted by the various inscriptions, was stated in terms of the yield of paddy. Yuan Chwang noticed that cocoanut and jack trees were numerous. As a matter of fact cocoanut thrives within the present districts of Goalpara and Kamrup. As regards the cultivation of areca nut and betel leaf in Kamarupa, it find a mention not only in the Nagaon inscription of Bala Varman III but also in the Aphshad inscription of Adityasena (circa 672 A. D.) wherein the betel plants being in full bloom on the banks of the Brahmaputra is stated. The Nagaon inscription describes the arecanut trees within Pragjyotishpura being wrapped by the betel creepers (pan), a system of growing pan which persists till today. Pragjyotishpur was, even in the ancient times, noted for its betel-nut groves which subsequently gave the name Guwahati to this town. The presents sent by Bhaskar Varman to Sri Harsha, about 6o6 A. D. included sugar in the form of liquid molasses in earthern pots. This indicates that sugarcane was cultivated even in the most ancient times. The other more important products of the kingdom as stated by Yuan Chwang, and also mentioned in some of the inscriptions, were Aguru or agaressence, musk, silk-fabrics and elephants.


Trade and Commerce

There is evidence to show that from the earliest times the people of Kamarupa traded with the people of other parts of India. This trade was carried on by a class of people called Sadagars and the main trade routes were the river Brahmaputra and the various navigable tributaries feeding it. It appears that the Sadagars of Kamarupa carried their merchandise in large boats down the Brahmaputra and reached the sea after skirting round the Garo Hills. They crossed this sea and traded in seaports like Tamralipti. The bardic tales relating to Behula mention that Chand Sadagar, whose trier ghor in Chaygaon, built of stones, existed till recent times, used to trade in seagoing boats. 

It appears that the Kalitas of Assam were then the Sadagars and the gold coins or rather pieces with which they used to buy goods were known as Kaltis. The name of this coin is mentioned in the "Periplus of the Erythrian sea" a Greek account of the first century A. D. wherein it is supposed that a gold-mine existed then in this part of India. As a matter of fact, the gold was obtained by washing in the Brahmaputra, Subansiri and other rivers. 


In one of the aphorisms of Dak, who is placed about the eighth century A. D, mention is made of the profitable trade with the people of Lanka. Probably this Lanka is not to be identified with Sri Lanka but with the country on the Myanmar coast which Yuan Chwang named Kamalanka and which, according to him, lay to the south-east of Samatata on a bay of the sea. Perhaps traders from Champa, Kamarupa and Vanga visited this coast for purposes of trade.

Wednesday, January 16, 2013

The Kamrup Kingdom – Late to End Period

''Kamarupa - Late to end period'' was a period of Kamarupa Kingdom from commencment of Pala Dynasty by Brahma Pala to last ruler of dynasty Jaya Pala.


Foundation of Pala Dynasty

According to the inscription of Ratna Pala, when Tyaga Singha of Mlechha dynasty died leaving no heir to succeed him the people elected Brahma Pala to be their king. It find here a parallel to the tradition that in order to remove the anarchy in Magadha and Gauda the people of those countries elected Gopala, the first Pala ruler of Magadha, as their king about the end of the eighth century. Such election by popular vote was clearly a myth. The fact is that both Gopala in Magadha and Brahma Pala in Kamarupa were actually adventurous upstarts who, finding the throne vacant, collected a following and proclaimed themselves as kings. As there was no one else strong enough to dispute the pretensions of Gopala or Brahma Pala the people had no other alternative but to accept them as their rulers. 

After Brahma Pala became king it was perhaps given out that he was a king chosen by the people, like Gopala, and, it seems that in imitation of the Pala rulers of Magadha and Gauda, he assumed the surname Pala. The writer of the Ratna Pala inscription, in order to make the story of popular election look more probable, added that Brahma Pala was it scion of the Bhagadatta dynasty and that is why the choice of the people fell upon him. It is stated in the Ratna Pala inscription that Brahma Pala was it warrior who could single handed overcome his enemy in battle. He was evidently a powerful and resourceful leader; otherwise he could not have secured the throne. He was a young man when he became king, for it was after his accession that he married Kula Devi by whom he had it son named Ratna Pala. It is not know whether Brahma Pala had a long reign like his son but it appears that when Ratna Pala grew up Brahmapala abdicated in his favour, probably to avoid it dispute relating to succession.


Outside invasions

It seems that during Brahma Pala's reign Kamarupa was attacked by Jatavarman, son of Vajravarman of the Varman dynasty which ruled probably in Eastern Magadha when the Pala power began to wane. This invasion is mentioned in the Belava copper-plate inscription of Bhojavarman, the grandson of Jatavarman, who thereby granted lands in the Paundra bhukti, the grant being issued from the victorious camp at Vikramapura. It is stated in verse 8 of this inscription that " seizing the great glory of Prithu son of Vena, espousing Virasri the daughter of Karna, extending his supremacy among the Angas, conquering the fortunes of Kamarupa, putting to shame the strength of the arms of Divya, crippling the dignity of Gobardhan and giving away all his wealth to Brahmans he (Jatavarman) extended his own paramount suzerainty." Divya mentioned above has been identified to be the Kaivarta leader who successfully rebelled against the Pala ruler. It appears that Jatavarman invaded Kamarupa and defeated its king but could not annex the kingdom. It is probable that after this defeat Brahma Pala abdicated in favour of his son Ratna Pala who appears to have removed the capital to Guwahati, on the banks of the Brahmaputra, and, after fortifying it, called it Durjaya or impregnable.


Capital

It may be that Brahma Pala himself had removed the capital from Haruppeswara to Guwahati and that his son Ratna Pala simply strengthened it by erecting necessary fortifications. Such strengthening of the defences of the capital was found to be necessary in view of the defeat sustained by his father. Pandit Vidyavinod supposes that when Salastambha founded his dynasty he removed the capital to Haruppeswara where all the kings of his line down to Tyaga Singha ruled. When the people elected Brahma Pala, a lineal descendant of Bhagadatta, as their king, he re-transferred the capital to Pragjyotishpura (Guwahati) or its neighbourhood. Ratna Pala after fortifying this city called it Sri-Durjaya. It is clearly stated that this city was on the Brahmaputra. The lands granted by Ratna Pala's first inscription and by both of Indra Pala's inscriptions were, as stated in these inscriptions, on the uttar kul i.e. on the north bank of the river. From this specific mention of the uttar kul Vidyavinod supposes that the capital was on the south bank of the river. Between Tezpur and Guwahati there is no other suitable site on the south bank of the river where a fortified city could be built. The identification of Sri-Durjaya with Guwahati is therefore almost inevitable. 

There is two copper-plate inscriptions of Ratna Pala, known as the Bargaon and the Sualkuchi grants. It is satisfactory that both these grants state the regnal years in which they were recorded. The first grant was recorded on the Vishnupadi Sankranti in the twentyfifth year of the king's reign. The second one was recorded in the following year. It is stated in these records that Ratna Pala was a warlike and powerful prince and that "by reason of the elephants pearls, carried forth by the impetus of the unrestrainable stream of blood running from the split foreheads of the elephants of his enemies` his, Ratna Pala's, battle field looked beautiful like a market-place strewn with the stores of merchants and ruby-coloured through the blood of the slain. A very glowing account is given of the splendour and the strength of the fortifications of Ratna Pala's capital named Durjaya. It is stated that though the capital was 

"crowded with a dense forest, as it were, of arms of his brave soldiers who were han kering after the plunder of the camps of all his enemies, yet was it fit to be inhabited by wealthy people (merchants). In it the disc of the sun was hid from the view by the thousands of plastered turrets which are rendered still whiter by the nectar-like smiles of the love-drunk fair damsels standing on them. It is adorned by learned men, religious preceptors and poets who have made it their place of resort. 
Like the cloth which protects the kings broad chest, its boundaries were encompassed by a rampart, furnished with a fence strong like that used for the game-birds of the Sakas, fit to cause chagrin to the king of Gurjara, to give fever to the heads of the untameable elephants of the chief of Gauda (Gaudendra), to act like bitumen in the earth to the lord of Kerala, to strike awe into the Bahikas and Taikas, to cause discomfiture to the master of the Deccan country (dakshinatya).''
It is rendered beautiful by the river Brahmaputra. Such is the town in which the Lord of Pragjyotisha took up his residence and which he called by the appropriate name of Durjaya. In that town, which emulated the residence of Vasava, the King the Parameswara Parama-bhattaraka Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Ratna Pala, who meditates at the feet of the Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Brahma Pala, may he prosper.

 The above extract is from Rudolf Hoernle's translation.Pandit Vidyavinod has pointed out that on certain points Hoernle's interpretations are not quite correct. The name of the poet who composed the verses of the inscription does not appear but the high literary merit of the composition is beyond question. The reference to Gurjara, Gauda and Kerala does not mean that Ratna Pala had actually any conflict with the kings of these countries, as supposed by Hoernle. It was simply meant to emphasize the strength and excellence of the fortifications. The inscription mentions that the king had certain copper-mines within his kingdom for it is said that "he delights in making his copper mines lucrative". These mines probably existed and still exist in the Garo or the Khasi Hills. In spite of what the court panegyrist has recorded, there is little doubt that about this time the Kamarupa power was on the decline.


Line of Kings

Ratna Pala had a long reign for about thirty years as his second grant was given in the twenty sixth year of his reign. His son was Purandara Pala. From some of the verses in the Indra Pala inscription, found at Guwahati, Hoernle supposed that Purandara Pala died during the life time of his father Ratna Pala who was therefore succeeded by his grandson Indra Pala . This supposition has been confirmed by the subsequent discovery of the inscription of Dharma Pala wherein it is stated that Pundara Pala died as juvaraja. In the Indra Pala inscription Purandara Pala is described as a poet. In this inscripion also the capital is said to have been Sri Durjya. It is also stated that Purandara Pala "had the distinction of obtaining for wife the princess Durlabha who was descended from the royal races of the extensive kingdoms conquered by the victorious arms of Jamadagnis son". It is not possible to find from this reference from what quarter princess Durlabha came. Parasurama is said to have overthrown all Kshattriya kings and so it can be surmised that Durlabha was a Kshattriya princess, the daughter of some well-known king of northern India of that time, otherwise she would not have been so glorified. 

Vidyavinod says that some Brahmans were settled near Parasurama Kunda where a Hindu kingdom may have existed and Purandara Pala may have married a princess of that kingdom. It seems that this surmise is not correct. It is stated that "when king Indra Pala sat on his throne the mosaic floor of his audience hall looked like a fruit-covered tree by reason of the strewn-about jewels that fell from the crowns of the princes as they voluntarily stood reverently bowing before him with joined hands". It is also said that during his virtuous reign the earth was "greatly flourishing" and that he "had a residence of corresponding virtues, a town full of elephants, horses and jewels and impregnable to the attacks of any royal dynasty, whence it was named Sri Durjaya". 

There is two inscriptions of Indra Pala the first being recorded in the eighth year and the second in the twenty-first year of his reign. This shows that Indra Pala had also a fairly long reign. He was succeeded by his son Go Pala who ascended the throne probably about the middle of the eleventh century. In the first inscription of his grandson Dharma Pala it is stated that Go Pala was a powerful prince who was also liberal in his gifts. His son Harsha Pala succeeded him. It is recorded that the blood of his enemies killed by him in battle appeased the thirst of the Rakshasas. This indicates that Harsha Pala was involved in war. In the Vikramanka Charita by Vihlan it is stated that the Chalukya prince, Vikramanka invaded Kamarupa about this time. Harsha Pala married Ratna, a lady of high rank and had by her a son named Dharma Pala who has left two copper-plate inscriptions both of which have been published by Pandit Vidyavinod in his "Kamarupa Sasanavali:"'. The first was recorded in the third regnal year and by this Dharma pala granted lands to a Brahman, named Himanga, who appears to have been an expert in archery, and who was a native of village Krosanja in Sravasti. In the Silimpur stone slab inscription of Prahasa, deciphered by Mr. R. G. Basak, which must be posterior in time to the Dharma Pala inscription, mention is made of the locality called Sravasti which Mr. Basak locates within Northern Bengal. Pandit Vidyavinod has attempted to prove that this locality was within Kamarupa and that from this place some Brahmans migrated to Pundra (Northern Bengal)'. In the second inscription, the genealogy of Dharma Pala is drawn from Go Pala though in the first inscription it was drawn from Brahma Pala. It can be found from this inscription that the queen of Go Pala was named Nayana. Another important fact found from this inscription is that the adoration of Siva does not occur in it. The regnal year in which this inscription was recorded is not stated but there is hardly any doubt that it was recorded towards the end of his reign for it contains an exhortation from the king himself which runs as follows:- 

"Oh future kings, listen to this prayer of mine. Give up your false pride in your sovereignty which, like the flash of lightning, lasts only for a short while but do not give up Dhcarma which leads to eternal bliss."

This hankering for something eternal must have grown in his old age. The mention of "dharma" is rather striking. The Kamarupa kings from Indra Pala to Dharma Pala were followers of the Tantrik tenet and about that period Kamakhya had become an important seat of Tantrik Buddhism. The dharma mentioned in this inscription very probably referred to the "Sahajia dharma" or the Vajrayana cult then prevalent in Kamarupa. In both these inscriptions the name of the king as given in the seal is "Pragjyotishadhipati Maharajadhiraja Sri Dharma Pala Varma Deva" but although he is called "Lord of Pragjyotisha" it is stated in the second inscription, that he ruled at "Kamarupanagar". In his first inscription his capital is not mentioned. Pandit Vidyavinod supposes that before Dharma Pala had commenced his reign the capital of the kingdom had been shifted to further west beyond the Brahmaputra valley. The capital of the kingdom was not removed from Pragjyotishpur or Guwahati to west before the middle of the thirteenth century. 

Bukhtiyar's disaster in Kamarupa in 1206 A.D. was recorded within the boundaries of Pragjyotishpur in a rock inscription. The next Muslim invasions by Iwaz in 1226 A.D. and by Tughril Khan Malik Yuzbeg in 1255 A.D. seem to have proceeded as far as Guwahati and this is supported by the find at Guwahati in 1880, of two coins, one of lwaz dated 2nd Jumada 621 A.H. and another of Tughril minted at Lakhnauti dated Ramzan 653 A. H. There is hardly any doubt therefore that the capital was at Guwahati or its immediate neighbourhood till at least 1255 A.D. If it was then at further west the Muslim invasions would not have proceeded in the direction of Guwahati. The surmise is that the capital named Kamarupa-nagar, the "city of Kamrud" of the Muslim chroniclers, was at North Guwahati near the temple of Aswakranta. The Kamarupar Buranji mentions the tradition that a king named Dharma Pala had his seat of government there. 

The modern town of North Guwahati possesses temples, roads, bridges, fortifications and moats which are clearly of ancient origin. There are two temples on the Aswakranta hill. The upper temple contains the image of Vishnu lying on Ananta-Sajya. It is one of the finest specimens of sculptural skill in Kamarupa about the beginning of the twelfth century. The western part of the town is called Sil-Sako because it still contains a small stone-built bridge over a stream. The eastern part is known as Raja-duar (king's gate), which shows that the Raja's palace was there. The second copper-plate of Dharma Pala was actually found in the village of Rangmahal about two miles to the north of Raja-duar. This is another indication that the capital was then at North-Guwahati. In Rajaduur itself exists the rock-inscription, dated 1127 Saka, proclaiming the destruction of the Turkish army of Mahammad Bukhtiyar. It is therefore extremely probable that North Guwahati continued to be the capital from the time of Dharma Pala till about 1260 A.D. when the seat of government was transferred to further west. Pandit Vidyavinod's conjecture that the capital Kamarupa-Nagar was away from the river because the Brahmaputra is not mentioned in the inscription of Dharma Pala does not seem to be at all reasonable. And from a stone-slab inscriptioun found on the hill in Raja-duar, abutting on the Brahmaptttra, it can found that this small hill was the abode of Sri Chandra Bharati, a well-known Kamrupi poet of the sixteenth century. These facts go to show that North Guwahati was latterly the capital and that South- Guwahati or Pragyotishpur, subsequently called Sri-Durjaya, ceased to be the capital long before. It would therefore appear that North Guwahati or Kamarupa-nagar was the capital of Kamarupa for about 160 years from circa 1100 A.D. to 1260 A.D. Dharma Pala was succeeded probably by Jaya Pala whose name we find from the Silimpur inscription. 

 It appears that there was a pious Brahman named Prahusha in the Svamvaka village of Pundra who though persistently pressed by Jaya Pala, a powerful king of Kamarupa, refused to accept from the king the tulapurusha gift consisting of gold equal to the weight of the donor and also a gift of landed property. It appears that about the first part of the twelfth century, probably during the reign of Jaya Pala, Ratna Pala king of Gauda conquered Kumarupa. This is mentioned in the Rama Charita, by Sandhyakara Nandi' wherein it is stated that a general of Rampala named Mayana conquered Kamarupa. Relying on R.D. Banerji's statement, in his paper on the "Palas of Bengal", to the effect that Rama Pala was succeeded by his second son Kumara Pala about 1097 A.D., Pandit Vidyavinod states that Rama Pala conquered Kamarupa probably about 1095 A. D. when Dharma Pala was the king of Kamarupa. This statement cannot be accepted as correct. Of course the learned Pandit's theory is that after defeating Dharma Pala the king of Gauda snatched away only the south-western part of Kamarupa which was placed under the control of a vassal-king named Tingyadeva and that Dharma Pala and his successors continued to rule over the rest of Kamarupa. It seems Pandit Vidyavinod's theory is incorrect. 

Here shall mention that the chronology of the Pala rulers of Bengal is still uncertain. It has not been definitely proved that Kumarapala succeeded Ramapala before the end of the eleventh century. On the other hand it is quite possible that Ramapala had a very long reign and that he was succeeded during the second quarter of the twelfth century. The Kamauli inscription, which must have been recorded very soon after Kumara Pala's death is, on palaeographical evidence, placed towards the middle of the twelfth century. On the other hand it is fairly certain that Kumara Pala had a very short reign. All these circumstances go to show that Ramapala reigned probably till 1130 A.D. and that his conquest of Kamarupa took place about 1125 A.D. when Dharma Pala could not have been reigning. It is therefore seems that it was Jaya Pala, the son of Dharma Pala, who was overthrown by Ramapala. It will appear therefore that the names of all the kings of the dynasty of Brahma Pala have been found from the inscriptions of Dharma Pala and the Silimpur inscription referred to above. These kings ruled in due order of succession from about 985 A.D. till about 1125 A.D., when the last king Jaya Pala was overthrown by the Pala ruler of Bengal and a vassal named Tingyadeva was set up on the throne. The dynasty of Brahma Pala therefore ended with Jaya Pala.

Kamrup

The "Kamrup" is historical region, which in its height engulfed entire Brahmaputra Valley, western part (of valley) serving paramount role as capital and base, North Bengal as western and parts of Bangladesh as southern boundary. Contemporary Kamrup region not enfold such vast territories, is roughly equivalent to Kamapitha division of classical period and Undivided Kamrup district of modern times.


References in epics

Kamrup-Kamakhya temple

Ramayana and Mahabharata allude this region as Pragjyotish, not as Kamrup. Puranas written after Mahabharata mentions same Pragjyotish as Kamrup. Vishnu Purana narrates Kamrup spread 
450 miles in all directions from Kamakhya. Kalika Purana says Kamakhya as nucleus of Kamrup. Yogini Tantra composed thereafter gives the geographical area of Kamrup as whole Brahmaputra Valley, Bhutan, Rangpur (Bangladesh), Mymensing (Bangladesh) and Cooch Behar .


Historical accounts

Madan Kamdev

First millennium common era marks expansion of geographical, political and cultural influence of Kamrup than never before. Chinese pilgrimage Yuan Chwang (Hsuan-Tsang), also a Sanskrit expert, gives intricate account of ancient Kamrup. Spending a period of three months in Pragjotishpura (Guwahati), he espied the life, culture and politics in Kamrup. 

Ancient divisions

Silsako bridge

Primeval Kamrup was diverged in four pithas (geographical divisions) (1) Ratnapitha between the Karatoya and the Svarnakosa 
(North Bengal & Goalpara region); (2) Kamapitha between the Svarnakosa and the Kapili (Kamrup region); (3) Svarnapitha between the Puspika and the Bhairavi (Central Assam); (4) Saumarapitha between the Bhairavi and the Dikrang (Eastern Assam).


Medieval period

In medieval times eastern Assam ceased to be its part; in absence of local rulers, it became an battlefield of different powers trying to control over it, but none can hold Kamrup for long, thus it remain unmarred by any foreign cultural influences, including in its language. In this time of hostility, also saw rise of major literary activities. Chandra Bharati, Bhattadeva , Ananta Kandali , Madhava Kandali , Sankardeva and others composed epics in Kamrupi language.


Pre-modern

Colonial period seen Kamrup shrinking than never before, limited to an administrative district with severance of North Bengal areas.


Modern

Gauhati

Twentieth century marks major industrial development of Kamrup. Guwahati , the largest city of region, became major urban core. Thus, cultural and political capital of ancient Kamrup became major hub of culture and business again.




See also

Sunday, January 13, 2013

Kamarupa of Bhaskar Varman

''Kamarupa of Bhaskar Varman'' was a period of Kamarupa Kingdom during the reign of King Bhaskar Varman.


Background

Susthita Varman, known also as Sri Mriganka, had two sons viz. Supratisthita Varman and Bhaskar Varman. It is stated in the Harsha Charita that the second son Bhaskar Varman was the direct successor of his father on the throne of Pragjyotisha. On the other hand it is stated in Bhaskar Varman's inscription that "surrounded by learned men and accompanied by an well equipped army consisting of war-elephants his (Supratisthita Varman's) birth (rise) was for the good of others." Pandit Vidya Vinod detects here an indication that Supratisthita Varman actually succeeded his father and having ruled for a few years died (probably without leaving any issue). He supposes that during his short reign Supratisthita Varman introduced various reforms the good results of which were enjoyed by his brother who succeeded him. Previously however, the learned Pandit supposed that, during the life-time of his father, Supratisthita Varman, as heir-apparent, introduced various measures of progress and reform in the administration of the kingdom the beneficial effects of which he could not himself enjoy; as king but which were actually enjoyed by his younger brother Bhaskar Varman when he became King. It may lead to a thought that the Pandit's previous supposition was correct. 

The reference to the "Supratisthita Kataka" indicates that the army was re-organized. Supratisthita Varman must have witnessed the defeat sustained by his father at the hands of the Magadha king Mahasena Gupta. His first duty, as heir-apparent, was therefore to strengthen the army, particularly that arm of it which consisted of war-elephants. Unfortunately it seems he died during the life-time of his father and could not therefore succeed as king but his brother, on ascending the throne, found himself at the head of a strong and well-equipped army with the aid of which he subsequently defeated Sasanka and conquered Bengal. Bhaskar Varman therefore actually enjoyed the fruits of the labours of his deceased brother and this is exactly what the writer of his inscription seems to have meant.


Bhaskar Varman's accession to throne

It is however significant that Bhaskar Varman, even after he succeeded to the throne, used to be known as Kumara (Prince). In this respect a parallel can be found in his celebrated contemporary Harshavardhana of Thaneswar who in 606 A.D., on being invited to ascend the throne, after the murder of his elder brother Rajya Vardhana, at first refused to consent but after consulting a Buddhist oracle agreed to carry on the government designating himself as Prince Siladitya till 612 A.D. when his formal coronation took place. As it is already seen, Bhaskar Varman became king earlier, probably about 600 A.D. and so it can not be said that lie emulated the example of Harshavardhana and styled himself as Kumara or Prince. Rather the reverse might have been the case. The actual reasons why Bhaskar Varman was called Kumara are not quite clear. It can be suspected that he was a bachelor throughout his life. In any case it seems that he occupied the throne on his father's death and soon gave abundant proofs of his political sagacity which, in the words of his panegyrist, the writer of the Nidhanpur inscription, "earned for him the reputation of a second Brihaspati well known to others."


Rivals

On ascending the throne Bhaskar Varman found two strong rival powers growing in northern India, viz. one in central and northern Bengal under Sasanka and the other in mid-India under Prabhakaravardhana, the father of the famous Sri Harshavardhana. The origin of Sasanka is shrouded in mystery. Some scholars suppose that he belonged to the line of the later Guptas of Magadha and Pandit Vidyavinod seems to have found no difficulty in assuming that he was a son of Mahasena Gupta. It is however curious that the Aphshad inscription of Adityasena, the grandson of Mahasena Gupta, makes no mention of Sasanka. It is known that Sasanka was a devotee of Siva while the Guptas were Vaisnavas. His descent from the Gupta line is therefore extremely doubtful. In the Rhotasgarh rock-inscription of a seal one Sasanka is mentioned as Mahasamanta. It seems therefore that Sasanka was at first only a local chief or samanta owning allegiance to a superior over-lord who was probably Mahasena Gupta. 

As already stated, the Kamarupa kings had extended their sway over northern and perhaps central Bengal after the decline of the Gupta power. About the last quarter of the sixth century, Mahasena Gupta tried to check the growing aggressions of the Kamarupa kings, It seems that Sasanka gave powerful aid to Mahasena Gupta who inflicted a defeat on Susthita Varman, the king of Kamarupa. The Magadha king thus recovered northern and central Bengal over which Sasanka was appointed as Maha-samanta or governor. Subsequently, taking advantage of the death of Mahasena Gupta and the weakness of his minor son Madhava Gupta, Sasanka proclaimed himself as independent kin of central and northern Bengal and also struck coins. Nagendra Nath Basu surmises that he was a Kayastha of the Deva family. In the Ganjam inscription of Madhava Varman also he is named " Maharajadhiraja Sasanka Deva". As he was king of central and northern Bengal he is mentioned by Yuan Chwang as king of Karnasuvarna (central Bengal) and by Banabhatta as king of Gauda (northern Bengal). He soon attained to such power that he not only challenged the feeble Magadha ruler Madhava Gupta on the west and the Kamarupa power on the east but also subjugated the whole of lower Bengal, Chota Nagpur and Orissa on the south. About 600 A.D., evidently after the death of Mahasena Gupta, he appears to have successfully invaded Magadha where his zeal for the orthodox system of Hindu religion led him to perpetrate acts which gained for him notoriety for ever. He is said to have uprooted the sacred Bodhi-tree in Gaya and thrown into the river the sacred stone bearing the footprints of Gautama Buddha. The Guptas of Magadha were noted for their benign toleration of Buddhism during centuries. It is hardly conceivable that a scion of that noble family did not scruple to perform such acts of sacrilege. The theory that he belonged to the Gupta family is therefore quite untenable. 


Towards the west of Kamarupa, Sasanka appears to have held possession of that portion of territory which included the lands granted by Mahabhuta Varman to a large number of Brahmans. It is therefore unnecessary to stress why he was regarded as the natural enemy of Bhaskar Varman who must have been waiting for a favorable opportunity to regain the lost dominions and to retaliate the defeat inflicted on his father. Sasanka was however too powerful a ruler to be dealt with and Bhaskar Varman therefore wisely refrained from precipitating matters by himself launching an attack on Karnasuvarna, the capital founded by Sasanka. The long looked for opportunity came at last. On the death of Prabhakaravardhana his eldest son Rajyavardhana ascended the throne at Thaneswar. It appears that a branch of the Gupta family then ruled at Malwa. Deva Gupta of this family had overthrown the Maukhari king Graha Varman who was the brother in law of Rajyavardhana. Deva Gupta had insulted Rajyasri, the sister of Rajyavardhana, who at once marched to the assistance of Graha Varman. In the meantime, Sasanka appears to have marched to the assistance of Deva Gupta. The fact that he allied with Deva Gupta led R .D. Banerji to suppose that he belonged to the Gupta family. Whatever that may be, Rajyavardhana easily defeated Deva Gupta but Sasanka managed to invite him to his camp can a false promise and there treacherously murdered him. This incident is mentioned not only by Bana but also by the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang. On getting this information Sri Harsha resolved to take revenge on the murderer. He made preparations to subdue the arrogant and powerful king of Gauda and had just started on his march when he was met by Hangsavega, an ambassador from Bhaskar Varman of Kamarupa, with valuable presents.



Alliance with Harsha Vardhana

The Harsha Charita of Bana gives a detailed account of Hangsavega's meeting with Sri Harsha. When the chamberlain announced that Hangshavega " a confidential messenger " sent by the Kumara Raja of Pragjyotisha was waiting at the gate, Sri Harsha commanded " admit him at once ". The chamberlain then entered with Hangsavega "whose very exterior, delighting the eye with graceful flexions, belied the weight of his qualities". The messenger was followed by a long train of men carrying munificent presents". When Hangsavega had gone through the usual ceremonies of paying homage Sri Harsha asked, "Hangsavega is the noble prince well ? Hangsavega replied, "At this moment he is well, since your majesty so respectfully inquires with a voice bathed in affection and moist with a flow of friendship. "After this Hangsavega began to unfold the presents one by one saying " excepting only a heart replete with respect, a present worthy of your majesty, who is the vessel for the grandeur of governing the four oceans, is with difficulty attainable in the world". Nevertheless, Hangsavega made particular mention of the royal umbrella named Abhoga which the Kumara raja sent and which was a family heirloom " derived from Varuna. He declared that " fire does not burn it, nor wind tear it away, nor water wet it, nor dust defile it, nor age corrode it ". The king inspected all the presents and this done he dismissed all the servants and addressing Hangsavega said " explain your errand." Hangsavega then said:


''In former times, your majesty, the holy earth having through union with the Boar become pregnant, gave birth in hell to a son called Naraka. It was he who won this umbrella, the external heart of Varuna. In the posterity of this hero, when many great Meru like kings such as Bhagadatta, Puspadatta and Vajradatta had passed away, there was born a Maharajadhiraja named Susthira Varman, a splendid hero famous in the world as Mriganka, great grandson of Maharaja Bhuti Varman, grandson of Chandramukha Varman and son of Sthiti Varman. To this auspiciously named king was born, by his queen Syamadevi, a son and heir Bhaskaradyuti otherwise named Bhaskar Varman. Now from childhood upwards it was this prince's firm determination never to do homage to any being except the lotus-feet of Siva. Such an ambition, so difficult of attainment in the three worlds, may be reached by one of three means viz. by a conquest of the whole earth, by death or by a friend like your majesty. The friendship of monarchs again has regard to utility. And what possible contribution of utility could incline your majesty to friendship ? Wealth is but a remote consideration to your majesty whose aim is to amass fame. One who relies upon his arm alone has no occasion for desiring the assistance of his other members, much less of a stranger. To one greedy to seize the four combined oceans what qualification is there even in the proffered gift of a part of the earth ? Seeing therefore that ours is an object attainable only by impossible expedients, let your majesty, graciously regarding a mere petition, hear. The sovereign of Pragjyotisha desires with your majesty an imperishable alliance. If your majesty's heart too is inclined to friendship and can comprehend that friends enter upon a slavery disguised under a synonym then enough ! Commission me to say that the sovereign of Pragjyotisha may enjoy your majesty's, as Mandara Vishnu's, hearty embrace. In this moon-like face let the glory of the sovereign of Pragjyotisha at5 length indulge to satiety the longing of her eyes. If your majesty accepts not his love, command me what to report to my master.''

This remarkable speech of the consummate diplomat seems to have moved the youthful Sri Harsha. " When the messenger ceased speaking the king, who from previous reports of the prince's great qualities had conceived a very high respect for him and whose affection had been raised to a climax by the affair of the umbrella Abhoga, replied almost bashfully with profound respect : "How could the mind of one like me possibly even in a dream show aversion, Hangsavega, when such a great and noble spirit, such a treasure of virtue and captain of the worthy bestows his love as an absent friend upon me ? The ten regions are the unhired servants of the sweet qualities of this noble. The Prince's design too is excellent. Stout-armed himself, with me, a devotee of the bow, for his friend, to whom save Siva, need he pay homage ? This resolve of his increases my affection. The heart respects the lion, though a brute, for his pride ". After this Hangsavega suitably replied to the king and took his leave. It appears that Sri Harsha sent " a load of answering gifts in charge of eminent envoys.". An offensive and defensive alliance was thus formed between Sri Harsha and Bhaskar Varman.



Assault on Sasanka

The newly formed alliance was disastrous for Sasanka for while Sri Harsha's cousin and general Bhandi probably attacked from the west, Bhaskar Varman at once attacked from the east and occupied Karna Suvarna which was near to Kamarupa. From his Nidhanpur copperplate inscription it appears that Bhaskar Varman attacked with a strong navy of huge boats, which must have passed down the Brahmaputra and then proceeded up the Ganges, and that his army consisted of war-elephants, cavalry and infantry (Maha nau hastyaswa patti). Being attacked from two sides and thus outflanked Sasanka fled towards Orissa. The Nidhanpur copper-plate grant was issued from Bhaskar Varman's victorious camp at Karnasuvarna (Jaya sabdartha skandhabhara Karnasuvarna vasakat). Thus the defeat of his father was avenged and the lost dominions were regained. Bhaskar Varman now became the master or overlord of practically the whole of Gauda excluding only Magadha which was included in the dominions of Sri Harsha.


Scholarly views

Sir Edward Gait, relying on Vincent Smith and Pandit Padmanath Vidyavinod, holds that Bhaskar Varman came into possession of Karnasuvarna after the death of Sri Harsha. This supposition is evidently incorrect. Sasanka held sway over central and lower Bengal and also perhaps over part of Magadha and Orissa. It appears that being overthrown by Bhaskar Varman in Karnasuvarna he retired to the south and continued to rule there as evidenced by the Ganjam inscription of Madhava Varman, a Samanta under him. This inscription is dated 619 A.D. and from this fact Pandit Vidyavinod and somc other scholars have wrongly assumed that Sasanka continued to rule at Karnasuvarna till 619 A.D. Nagendranath Basu believes that after the alliance between Sri Harsha and Bhaskar Varman, Sasanka lost Karnasuvarna and was obliged to retire to the hilly country in the south . He holds also that probably Sri Harsha allowed Bhaskar Varman to rule over Gauda and Karnasuvarna and established Madhava Gupta, son of Mahasena Gupta, in Magadha as a vassal ruler. This was probably the fact. R. D. Banerji also thinks that Sasanka was overthrown by the combined efforts of Bhaskar Varman and Sri Harsha. In his work, the History of Orissa, R. D. Banerji writes :
''Whatever be the real origin of Sasanka, there is no doubt about the fact that eventually be was driven out of Karnasuvarna. It is quite possible that this event had taken place before the date of the Ganjam plate and at that time he had lost his possessions in Bengal and was the master of Orissa only.''
The theory of Sir Edward Gait and Vincent Smith that Bhaskar Varman acquired Karnasuvarna after the death of Sri Harsha is therefore quite incorrect. It is reasonable to suppose that Sasanka was driven out of Karnasuvarna about 610 A.D. The coronation of Sri Harsha took place about 612 A.D. after Sasanka had been overthrown and Bhaskar Varman had come into possession of Karnasuvarna. A writer in the Indian Historical Quarterly points out that Sri Harsha's sway never reached Bengal and that Sasanka's kingdom passed to Bhaskar Varman as otherwise he could not have controlled the sea-route to China and promised a safe passage to Yuan Chwang. It appears clear from Bana's Harsha Charita that after the alliance with Bhaskar Varman Sri Harsha felt at ease concerning the conquest of Gauda and despatching his cousin Bhandi to invade Gauda (perhaps in collaboration with Bhaskar Varman), he himself set out to search for his sister Rajyasri who had escaped to the jungles of Vindhya. Karnasuvarna was actually conquered by Bhaskar Varman as stated in the Nidhanpur plate. Another well known scholar, Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda, writing in a Bengali magazine, rejects Vidyavavinod's theory that Bhaskar Varman occupied Karnasuvarna only temporarily and holds that during; the seventh century Gauda was included within the kingdom of Kamarupa. Beal, in his introduction to the biography, states, " Bhaskar Varman the king of Kamarupa and probably former kings of that kingdom had the sea-route to China under their special protection ". Perhaps Beal would have been more correct if he had stated that Bhaskar Varman and his successors had the control over the Tamralipti region and the sea-route for at least 100 years after the death of Bhaskar Varman.



Royal inscriptions and pilgrimage accounts

The biographers of Yuan Chwang mention Kumara Raja as the Lord of Eastern India and this was the appellation applied by subsequent Chinese writers to the kings of Kamarupa. The "five Indies" of the Chinese writers were Northern India, Western India, Central or Mid-India,Southern India and Eastern India." Eastern India " comprised modern Assam and Bengal proper including the whole of the delta of the Ganges together with Sambalpur, Orissa and Ganjam. The fact that both in the biography and the Si-yu ki Pundravardhana, Samatata, Karnasuvarna and Timralipti are separately mentioned, does not mean that these countries were then independent principalities. As a matter of fact it is significant that the names of the kings of these countries are not mentioned but the name of the reigning king of Kamarupa is mentioned. They were probably then administered by local chief who were vassals of the king of Kamarupa. In his Nidhanpur inscription the kings who were vassals of Bhaskar Varman are referred to and it is stated that he " equalled the prowess of the whole ring of his feudatories by the strength of his own arm". The pilgrim while describing his travels in mid-India similarly mentions countries like Brahmapura, Ahi Khetra, Virasana, Kapitha, Kanauj, Ayodhya, Prayaga, Kausambi, Kapilavasthu, Kusinagara, Benares and Magadha over all of which Sri Harsha was admittedly the suzerain power. Yuan Chwang mentions Sasanka as a " recent king " of Karnasuvarna, but in his account of his visit to Karnasuvarna he makes no mention of the reigning king of that principality as he does in the case of Kamarupa. The fact is that nearly 20 years before he arrived in India Sasanka had been overthrown and driven out of Central Bengal over which Bhaskar Varman became the overlord. 

Yuan Chwang makes no mention of any king reigning in Samatata which was near the sea, but when the next Chinese traveller I-Tsing visited Eastern India about 670 A.D. one Rajabhata was the Raja of Samatata. This Rajabhata was either a vassal under the Kamarupa king or Samatata was outside the dominions acquired by Bhaskar Varman. Beal mentions that according to the records left by I-Tsing, respecting other pilgrims visiting India shortly after Yuan Chwang, a Korean priest named Hwui Lun, otherwise known as Prajnavarma, visited India, some years after the departure of Yuan Chwang. He was evidently a contemporary of Adityasena, the author of the Aphshad inscription, for it appears he recorded that at Nalanda " recently a king called Sun-army (Adityasena) built, by the side of the old temple, another which is now newly finished". It is further mentioned in the records that "formerly a Maharaja called Sri-Gupta built this temple (the Deer temple) for the use of Chinese priests. He was prompted to do so by the arrival of about twenty priests of that country who had travelled from Sz'chuen to the Mahabudhi temple to pay their worship. Being impressed by their pious demeanour he gave them the land and the revenues of about twenty villages as an endowment. This occurred some 500 years ago. The land has now reverted to the king of Eastern India, whose name is Deva Varma, but he is said to be willing to give back the temple land and the endowment in case any priest came from China". Sri Gupta mentioned in the above extract, was undoubtedly the grand-father of Chandra Gupta I, the founder of the Gupta empire. Sri Gupta was only a local chief in Magadha with his capital at Patna or its vicinity. So the twenty villages endowed by him, must have been within his small principality, probably not very far from Nalanda. It appears that after Sri Harsha's death these twenty villages of Magadha came into the possession of Bhaskar Varman, the king of " Eastern India ", from whom they were inherited by Deva Varma who was perhaps his immediate successor. It is not possible to trace a king called Deva Varma of another dynasty ruling in Eastern India at that time. The Varmans of Maukhari belonged to Madhyadesha or mid-India. The kings of Kamarupa used the suffix " Varma Deva " after their names The full name of Bhaskar Varman, given in the Nidhanpur plate, is " Bhaskara - varma - Deva". It is therefore very probable that the Korean priest transposed " Varma Deva " into " Deva Varma ". In any case, it seems certain that the king named as Deva-varma was a Kamarupa king. It is therefore clear that even after Bhaskar Varman at least the Eastern part of Magadha with perhaps the whole of modern Bengal, excepting probably Samatata, was under the overlordship of the Kamrupa kings. This supremacy lasted for at least 100 years till the overthrow of the Kamarupa king Sri Harsha Varma Deva about 750 A.D. 


Yuan Chwang came to India with the object of studying Buddhistic lore and seeing for himself the various Buddhist shrines in India. He had no idea of visiting Kamarupa which according to him had no trace of Buddhism till that time. In fact after his first stay at Nalanda lie set out to see the sacred Buddhist places and though visiting Karnasuvarna and Samatata which contained Buddhist stupas he did not care to enter Kamarupa proper. After traversing through southern India and western India he returned to Nalanda and had decided to return to China when by chance he came to visit Kamarupa and thereafter meet emperor Harsha-Vardhana. 


Had it not been for his visit to Kamarupa under unforeseen circumstances and the subsequent meeting of the two kings on the banks of the Ganges perhaps he would not have been present at the great assembly at Kanauj. The circumstances leading to his visit to Kamarupa are therefore interesting and these can, be gathered from the biography of Yuan Chwang written by his disciple Hwui—li and subsequently enlarged by Yen Thsang. It appears that a certain Brahman from "Eastern India" who was a heretic (probably a non-Buddhist or at least a non-believer of the Mahayana system) came to Nalanda when Yuan Chwang was residing there with Silabhadra, the great Buddhist professor. The Brahman came to dispute with the monks at Nalanda. He was defeated and returning to Kamarupa he told Kumara Raja about the high qualities of the Chinese monk. Bhaskar Varman then sent an invitation to the Chinese traveller addressed to Silabhadra. Before the message was received Yuan Chwang chanced to meet a Nirgrantha and asked him to foretell whether he would be able to return to China safe together with all the sacred books and images collected by him. The Nirgrantha then took a piece of white stone and drew a figure on the ground, and after casting the lot he replied "Do not be anxious. Siladitya raja and Kumara  raja will themselves despatch men as escort. The Master will successfully return without accident." Yuan Chwang then asked, "As to these two kings I have never yet seen them. How then can such a kindness befall me?" The Nirgrantha replied, " Kumara raja has already sent messengers to invite you to go to him. In two or three days they should arrive. After you have seen Kumara you will also see Siladitya." The Nirgrantha then went away. 

After two days the messengers sent by Kumara raja of " Eastern India " arrived and presented a letter to Silabhadra. The letter ran as follows: - "Your disciple wishes to see the great priest come from China. I pray you, respected sir, to send him and so gratify this imperial thought of mine". On getting this message Silabhadra called the congregation and said that as Yuan Chwang had already agreed to come to Sri Harsha's capital for a disputation with the exponents of Hinayana he should not go to Kamarupa. He then replied to the messenger in the following terms: " The priest of China is anxious to return to his own country and so is unable to comply with the king's request." On hearing this reply Bhaskar Varman again despatched another messenger with the following letter: " Although the Master wishes to return home, yet for a little while let him come to your disciple. There shall be no difficulty about his departure. I pray you comply with my humble request and do not again decline to send ". Silabhadra having again refused to consent Bhaskar Varman was greatly enraged and sent yet another messenger with a personal despatch for Silabhadra to the following effect: " Your disciple like a common man has followed the way of worldly pleasure and has not yet learnt the converting power residing in the law of Buddha. And now when I heard the name of the priest belonging to the outside country my body and soul were over- joyed; expecting the opening of the germ of religion (within me). But you sir, have again refused to let him come here, as if you desired to cause the world to be for ever plunged in the dark night ( of ignorance). Is this the way in which your Eminence hands down and transmits the bequeathed law for the deliverance and salvation of all the world ? Having an invincible longing to think kindly of and show respect to the Master I have again sent a messenger with a written request. If he does not come, your disciple will then let the evil portion of himself prevail. In recent times Sasanka raja was equal still to the destruction of the law and uprooted the Bodhi tree. Do you, my Master, suppose that sour disciple has no such power as this ? If necessary then I will equip my army and elephants and, like the clouds, sweep down on and trample to the very dust that monastery of Nalanda. These words are true as the Sun, Master, it is better for you to examine and see what you will do". 

The threat uttered towards the end of the message had the desired effect for Silabhadra having read the letter addressed Yuan Chwang thus: - " With regard to that King, his better mind is fast bound and weak; within his territories the law of Buddha has not widely extended. Since the time that he heard your honourable name he has formed a deep attachment for you. Perhaps you are destined to be, in this period of your existence, his good friend. Use your best diligence then and go.You have become a disciple in order to benefit the world; this then is perhaps your just opportunity; and as when you destroy a tree you have only to cut through the root and the branches will of themselves wither away, so when you arrive in that country only cause the heart of the king to open to the truth and then the people will also be converted. But if you refuse and do not go, then perhaps there will be evil deeds done. Do not shrink from this slight trouble. Yuan Chwang agreed and soon after left for Kamarupa accompanied by the envoy. 

When he reached the capital of Kamarupa he was received by Bhaskar Varman and his high officers in state and conducted to the palace. Every day the king arranged music and banquets with religious offerings of flowers and incense. In this way more than a month passed. At this time, while on his way back from the Ganjam campaign, Sri Harsha heard that Yuan Chwang was then a guest of Bhaskar Varman. Being much annoyed he despatched a messenger peremtorily asking the Kumara raja to send the Chinese priest at once to him. Bhaskar Varman did not like the tone of the message and haughtily replied " He (Sri Harsha ) can take my head but he can not take the Master of the Law yet."Sri Harsha was greatly enraged on receiving this message and calling together his attendants he said " Kumara raja despises me. How comes he to use such coarse language in the matter of a single priest ? Then he sent another messenger to Kamarupa with the following imperial order: " Send the head. that I may have it immediately by my messenger who is to bring it here." On receipt of this message Bhaskar Varman realized the folly of his language and the danger of courting a conflict with the more powerful monarch who had been his ally in disposing of Sasanka. He therefere at once ordered an array of "20,000 elephants and 30,000 ships" to be equipped. 

Then embarking with Yuan Chwang they together " passed up the Ganges" and reached a place called Kio-shu-ho-kio-lo (Kajurgira) where Sri Harsha was encamping. Keeping Yuan Chwang in a pavilion-on-travel erected on the north bank of the Ganges, Bhaskar Varman with his ministers himself proceeded to meet .Sri Harsha who received the. Kumara raja courteously and enquired where the Chinese priest was stopping. Kumara replied, " He is staying in a certain pavilion-on-travel."Sri Harsha again asked, " And why did he not come with you ? To this Kumara replied, "Maharaja has respect for the virtuous and loves religion. Why not send for the Master to come to confer with the King ? " Sri Harsha then realized that he should himself come and see the priest at the pavilion. During the night Sri Harsha came and visited Yuan Chwang with whom he had a long; discourse. Sri Harsha at length declared that he proposed to call a grand assembly at Kanauj and "command the Sramans and Brahmans and heretics of the five Indies to attend in order to exhibit the refinements of the Great Vehicle (Mahayana) and demolish their abusive mind, to make manifest the exceeding merit of the Master and over-throw their proud thought of self." Then at the beginning of the winter Sri Harsha having; issued invitations to the leading princes and religious professors of all sects marched all the way to Kanauj in procession accompanied by Bhaskar Varman and Yuan Chang. It is related that Sri Harsha marched in state along the south bank of the Ganges while Bhaskar Varman marched along the north bank at the head of 500 elephants, clad in armour, both keeping pace with each other. They reached Kanauj after a march of 90 days. 


At Kanauj itself daily processions took place. At these processions the image of Buddha was carried. Sri Harsha, attired as Indra, held the chattra over the image while Bhaskar Varman, dressed as Brahma, waved a white chameri. There were assembled no less than 18 vassal kings of different countries of India besides three thousand Buddhist priests, about the same number of Brahmans and Nirgranthas and about a thousand monks from Nalanda. It is said that of all the kings assembled only " Sri Harsha and Bhaskar Varman wore tiaras like the Devas with flower wreaths and jewelled ribons." It have given above rather full quotations from Yuan Chwan 's biography, written by his favourite disciple, to show the importance of Bhaskar Varman and the kingdom of Kamarupa at this time. 


It is clear that emperor Sri Harsha treated Bhaskar Varman, in every way, as a respected ally and friend and not as a vassal king. Even Sri Harsha's own son-in-law, Dhruvabhatta, the kin, of South India, was treated as a monarch inferior to Bhaskar Varman in rank. After the assembly in Kanauj was dissolved Sri Harsha arranged a grand distribution of charity at Allahabad at the confluence of the two holy rivers, the Ganges and the Jamuna. Sri Harsha accompanied by all the 18 kings went there. The camp of Sri Harsha was on the north bank of the Ganges while that of Kumara raja was on the south of the jamuna, by the side of a flowering grove. In the morning the military followers of Sri Harsha and Kumara raja embarked in ship.; and the attendants of Dhruvabhatta mounted their elephants and, so arranged in an imposing order, proceeded to the place of the assembly. The kings of the eighteen kingdoms joined the cortege according to arrangement. Sri Harsha distributed untold wealth to Buddhists, Brahmans, heretics, the poor and the destitute. Even his own gems and wearing garments were given away. At length the king had to beg from his sister a second-hand garment to put on. Such was charity as was understood and practised by the ancient Hindu kings of India. It is fortunate that an eminent foreigner a savant was present to witness this distribution of charity and that he left a record of what he saw with his own eyes. 

After this ceremony was over, Yuan Chwang took leave of Sri Harsha and the Kumara raja Both of them were affected during the leave-taking. The Kumara raja addressed Yuan Chwang, thus : "If the Master is able to dwell in my dominion and receive my religious offerings I will undertake to found one hundred monasteries on the Masters' behalf." Yuan Chwang replied, " The country of China is very far from this and has but recently heard of the law of Buddha. Although it has received a general knowledge of the truth yet it has not accepted it in its entirety. On this account therefore I have come to inform myself how to put and end to differences. And now having completed my aim (I remember) how the learned men of my country are longing to fathom to their depth the points I have ascertained. Therefore I dare not delay a moment remembering the words of the Sutra : " whoever hinders men from a knowledge of religion shall for generation be born blind." If then you hinder my return you will cause countless disciples to lose the benefit resulting from a knowledge of the law ; how then will you escape the dread of being deprived of sight ?" To this Kumara raja replied, " Your humble disciple admires and values the virtue of the Master; and I would ever look up to and serve him ; but to stand in the way of the benefit of so many men would truly cause my heart to be filled with fear. I leave the Master to his choice, to go or to stay ; but I know not, if you prefer to go, by what route you propose to return. If you select the southern sea route then I will send official attendants to accompany you." This shows that the southern sea-route from Tamralipti was then under the control of Bhaskar Varman. Yuan Chwang replied that he would return through North-west India. Kumara raja then asked, "I pray you let me know what provision you stand in need of." Yuan Chwang replied that he required nothing. Kumara raja said, It is impossible to permit you to go thus " and he offered money and valuable articles. Similarly Sri Harsha also offered presents. Yuan Chwaug refused to accept anything except a cape called ho-la-li made of coarse skin lined with soft down, a present from Bhaskar Varman, which was designed to protect one from rain and cold. Thus the eminent Chinese traveller took his departure with the escort provided by Sri Harsha. Three days after, Sri Harsha, accompanied by Kumara raja and Dhruvabhata, took several hundred light horsemen with them and, overtaking the pilgrim, accompanied him for some time and then finally returned. 


Certain conflicting statements in the Si-yu-ki or the " Record of Western lands " concerning the pilgrim's visit to Ka-mo-lu-po require to be explained. In his first volume "On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India" Watters quotes from the text to show that after the pilgrim had returned to Nalanda finishing his itinerary and had arranged to return to China he received the invitation from Bhaskar Varman and after much hesitation decided, on the advice of Silabhadra, to accept the king's invitation. He then proceeded to Bhaskar Varman's capital straight from Nalanda. In the second volume of Watters' work however it is quoted from the text of the Si-yu-ki to show that the pilgrim, when he started from Nalanda on his travels to the east and south of India, first came to Iranaparvat in the east and thence to Champa (Bhagalpur ). From Champs the pilgrim traveled above 400 1i to Kachu - wo - ki - to (Kajughira or Kajangala). 


According to Cunningham this place is Kunkjol, now called Rajmahal. From this place travelling east he crossed the Ganges and came after a journey of more than 600 li to a country called Pun-na-fa-tan-na (Pundravardhana) which was more than 400 li in circuit. Proceeding east another distance of above 900 li he crossed a large river and came to Ka-mo-lu-po " which was more than a myriad li in circuit." According to the text the pilgrim proceeded from Kamarupa to Samatata, thence to Tamralipti, thence to Karnasuvarna and thence to Orissa and the south. This narrative conflicts with the account given in the pilgrim's biography and also in the Si-yu-ki itself as stated above. Watters in his second volume says that " We need not suppose that the pilgrim made the journey as indicated in the text " and again in the same volume he states that " notwithstanding the statements of our text, however, Ave must consider him to have travelled in the manner indicated in the Life" (r). Possibly Watters is right and Gait has also rightly followed the account given in the biography and made the pilgrim visit Kamarupa towards the end of his stay in India. 

As already stated, the pilgrim, though he passed near Kamarupa at the earlier stage of his itinerary, did not actually enter Kamarupa as it contained, till then, no trace, of Buddhism. Watters thinks that at least three fourths of the text, as have now, were the compilation of Yuan Chwang himself, the remainder being additions or interpolations by Pein Chi and others. The biography is however an authoritative work. Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India holds that Yuan Chwang visited Kamarupa twice. This is quite improbable because till his visit to Kamarupa about 643 A.D. he had not met Bhaskar Varman before. Whatever that may be, it can find from the text of the Si-yu-ki that the pilgrim found the western boundary of Kamarupa proper to have been a large river about 900 li to the east of Pundravardhana and that the country was more than a myriad li in circuit. In a subsequent Chinese work, the Tang-shu, the large river is called Ko-lo-tu which is evidently equivalent to Karatoya and not Brahmaputra as supposed by Watters. 

According to the text of the Si-yu-ki the circumference of the capital of Kamarupa was thirty li and the king who was named " Sun-armour " (Bhaskar Varman) was a Brahman by caste. His other name was " Youth " or Kumara. He was a lover of learning and his subjects followed his example. Men of ability came from far lands to study in Kamarupa. Though the king was not a Buddhist he treated accomplished sramans with respect. The reigning king was descended from a stock which originated from Narayana Deva ( Vishnu ) and the sovereignty had been transmitted in the family for rood generations. In his Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription Bhaskar Varman is said to " have revealed the light of the Arya religion (prakasit aryadharmaloka) by dispelling the accumulated darkness of Kali age, by making a judicious application of his revenues; who has equaled the prowess of the whole ring of his feudatories by the strength of his own arm, who has derived many a way of enjoyment for his hereditary subjects whose loyal devotion to him was augmented by his steadiness, modesty and affability, who is adorned with a wonderful ornament of splendid fame made of the flowery words of praise variously composed by hundreds of kings vanquished by him in battle; whose virtuous activities, like those of Sivi, were applied in making gifts for the benefit of others; whose powers, as of a second preceptor of the Gods (Brihaspati), was recognized by others on account of his skill in devising and applying the means of politics that appear in suitable moments; whose own conduct was adorned by learning, valour, patience, prowess and good actions". It appears that Vasuvarna,the writer of the inscription, did not overdraw the picture of the illustrious king. The reference to the "ring of feudatories" seems to suggest that his vassal rulers combined to throw off the suzerainty of the Kumara Raja but were unsuccessful.


Country

With regard to the country it is stated by the pilgrim that it was low and moist and that the crops were regular. Cocoa-nuts and jack-fruits grew abundantly and were appreciated by the people. The climate was genial. The people were honest. Their speech differed a little from that of mid-India. They were of violent disposition but were persevering students. They worshipped the Devas and did not believe in Buddhism. The Deva-temples were some hundreds in number and the various systems had some myriads of professed adherents. The few Buddhists in the country performed their acts of devotion in secret. The pilgrim ascertained from the people that to the east of the country was a series of hills which reached as far as the confines of China. The inhabitants of these hills were akin to the "Man of the Lao". In the south-east of the country elephants were plentiful. This shows that the kingdom then included the whole of the valleys of the Kopili and the Dhansiri which even now contain herds of wild elephants. 

The above description, it should be noted, is of Kamarupa proper and not of the extensive dominions of Bhaskar Varman towards the west. Evidently the pilgrim came into the present district of Kamarupa and the capital of that time was probably the old Pragjyotishpura or Guwahati. The pilgrim, with the king and his retinue, must have therefore proceeded down the Brahmaputra and reached the Ganges by a stream which connected the two rivers and then going tip the Ganges reached Rajmahal. The countries passed throngh were both Kamarupa and Karnasuvarna (Central Bengal). Bhaskar Varman would not have selected this route if Karnasuvarna was not then under his sway. According to the account given in the Si-yu-ki the circumference of Kamarupa was about 1700 miles. As Gait has pointed out, this circumference must have included the whole of the Assam Valley, the whole of the Surma Valley, a part of North Bengal and a part of Mymensing. The question whether Sylhet was included within the kingdom at that time is a matter of some doubt. The Nidhanpur copper-plate was found in Panchakhanda within the district of Sylhet. 


Gait argues from this that Sylhet was within the dominions of Bhaskar Varman. One authority has pointed out that the lands mentioned in the Nidhanpur copper-plate were given to a number of Nagar Brahmans as indicated by their surnames which are now curiously confined to Kayasthas in Bengal, but which were usually borne by Nagar Brahmans of that time. It is also pointed out that the deity which the Nagar Brahmans worshipped was Siva named Sri Hatakeswar. It is assumed that the name of the country known as Sri Hatta (Sylhet) was derived from Sri Hatakeswar. On the other hand, Pandit Padmanath Bhattacharva Vidyavinod, who is himself a native of Sylhet, does not support this view. He points out that while in Samatata the pilgrim came to know of six other countries which he could not visit, and one of them was Shih-li-cha-ta-lo which was to the north east of Samatata among the hills near the sea. Pandit Vidyavinod identifies shih-li-cha-ta-lo with Srihatta and points out that it is to the north east of Samatata or East Bengal and is confined on the north and the south by the Assam range and the Lushai hills respectively. Further the western portion of Sylhet and part of Mynmensing are even now very low-lying resembling a sea in the rainy season and which are still popularly called haor (sagara) or sea. If Sylhet was within the kingdom of Kamarupa the pilgrim would not have mentioned it as a separate country. On account of the mention of the sea some scholars identify shih-li-cha-ta-lo with Srikshetra but this is evidently incorrect as Srikshetra is not to the north-east of Samatata and is not girt by hills on both sides like the Sylhet plain. Vidyavinod's identification of shih-li-cha-ta-lo with Srihatta may probably be correct but, as has been already pointed out, the mere mention of Srihatta as a separate country, and not as a separate kingdom, does not necessarily prove that it was outside the dominions of Bhaskar Varman. 

Sri Harsha died in the year 648 A.D four years after Yuan Chwang left India, but Bhaskar Varman was reigning till about 650 A.D. Just after Sri Harsha's death his minister Arjun or Arjunaswa usurped the throne. At that time an embassy arrived from the emperor of China. Alas, Sri Harsha who had shown so much respect to the pious Chinese pilgrim who, on his return, must have prompted the Chinese emperor to dispatch this friendly mission, was no longer living to receive the envoy in a befitting manner. On the contrary the usurper Arjun actually ill-treated the members of the mission and killed some of them. The rest, led by Wang-hiuen-tse, escaped to Nepal and sought the aid of the kings of Nepal and Tibet and of Bhaskar Varman. It appears from the Chinese accounts that the kings of Nepal and Tibet assisted with forces and Shi - kien ma (Sri Kumara), the "King of Eastern India" sent him "thirty thousand oxen and horses and provisions for all his army, to which he added bows, scimitars and collars of great value" (t). With such assistance Wang-hiuen-tse defeated the usurper Arjun and capturing him took him as a prisoner to China. Bhaskar Varman probably did not continue to reign long after this event.



Status as Kshatriya

Bhaskar Varman was perhaps the most illustrious of the monarchs of ancient Kamarupa. His name has been immortalized by the accounts which Yuan Chwang and his biographers have left. It appears that during his time Kamarupa was one of the most advanced kingdoms in India. Suffice it to say that he was a Hindu by religion spreading " the light of Arya Dharma " though he had great reverence for learned Buddhist priests and professors of his time and was distinctly inclined towards Buddhism. The text of his messages to Silabhadra leave no doubt on this point. The very high functions allotted to him during the famous religious assembly at Kanauj by the Hindu emperor Sri Harsha proves that he was a Hindu of upper caste. He was undoubtedly looked upon as a good Kshatriya, as his surname Varman indicates. All the kings of his dynasty beginning from Pushya Varman were Kshatriya monarchs. When Yuan Chwang visited the kingdom he found hundreds of Hindu temples there and evidently there were large numbers of Brahmans and other high caste Hindus living within the kingdom which was a seat of learning that people of other countries came there for study. Even during the reign of Mahabhuta Varman, the ancestor of Bhaskar Varman, in the early part of the sixth century, exists a colony of Nagar Brahmans in the kingdom. The Vyavahhari named in the Nidhanpur grant was a Kayastha named Hardatta. He is mentioned as Kayastha and not as Karana or Karanika". It appears that the caste name Kayastha had then come into use and that Kayasthas were among the earlier Aryan settlers in Kamarupa. The word Vyavahhara occurs also in the rock-inscription of Harjara Varman and Mahamahopadyaya Pandit H. P. Sastri has translated it as a law suit. The Vyavahari was therefore a lawyer. Hardatta Kayastha was either engaged by the Brahman donees to plead their case as against the revenue officers who had assessed the lands to revenue or he was the king's lawyer to see to the correct legal drafting of the grant. In any case it was evidently at the instance of this lawyer that the following line at the end of the inscription was recorded:-
''Because after the burning of the plates, these newly written letters are of different form (from those of the previous inscription), therefore they are not forged.''
Evidently in those clays the Kayasthas not only acted as District and Revenue officers but were also professional lawyers. The eastern part of the present district of Purnea bounded on the west by the Kosi river, formed a part of Mithila. A part of Mithila was therefore within Kamarupa at least from Mahabhuta Varman's reign till the reign of Susthita Varman and again from the time of Bhaskar Varman till the rise of the Pala power after the overthrow of Sri Harsha Varman in the eighth century. The Brahmans and Kayasthas of Mithila therefore spread to other parts of Kamarupa including perhaps Sylhet. Even now many Brahman families in Assam trace their origin from Mithila. On the north-eastern boundary of the Purnea district is the modem district of Jalpaiguri which continued to be included in Kamarupa even till the time of the medieval kings . There was therefore very close connection between Mithila and Kamarupa.


Cultural growth

The old Kamrupi language was a variety of eastern Maithili and that is why Yuan Chwang remarked that the spoken language of Kamarupa differed only a little from the language spoken in mid-India i. e. Magadha and Mithila. In prehistoric times Mithila (Videha) supplied a prince who founded the famous "Bhauma" dyansty in Pragjyotisha. During historic times it was through Mithila that Aryan culture and civilization spread into the rest of Kamarupa. It was again from Kamarupa in the north that the Aryans gradually spread towards the south to Gauda, north of the Ganges, and to Samatata, south of the Ganges. This is proved by the wide diffusion of the surnames of the Nagar Brahmans of Kamarupa, such as Ghosha, Datta, Dania, Deva, Soma, Yalita, Pala, Kundu, Dasa, Naga and Nandi throughout modern Bengal and Sylhet. Curiously enough, neither the Brahmans nor the Kayasthas of the modern Assam valley, except those who migrated to Assam from Bengal during the medieval times, appear to have used these surnames though among the oldest Assamese Brahman families there are still Mishras, Sukuls, Tewaris and Tirotias (coming from Tirhut). According to Bhandarkar these Nagar Brahmans subsequently became Kayasthas. 

The Nidhanpur grant was issued from Karnasuvarna and the text of the inscription must there tore have been composed by a pandit of that part of the country who was named Vasuvarna. This probably explains the occurrence in this inscription of expressions and passages which we do not find in subsequent Kamarupa inscriptions, but which used to be inscribed in plates issued by the Gupta kings of Magadha and Pundravardhana and the subsequent Pala rulers of Gauda and Magadha. For instance, the expression Bhumi Chhidra does not occur in other inscriptions of the Kamarupa kings but it occurs in several of the Pala rulers of Gauda. The expression gangina, meaning perhaps a dried up channel, is also peculiar to Gauda. The penultimate stanza in which two slokas from the Vrihaspati Sanhita have been quoted was also due to observance of a Gaudian custom. The only other Kamarupa king in whose inscription we find this quotation is Vaidya Deva who was himself a Gaudian. There are also names of offices mentioned in this inscription which do not occur in subsequent Kamarupa inscriptions. The "officer issuing hundred commands who has obtained the pancha mahh sabda" is not mentioned in subsequent inscriptions. It seems that Bhaskar Varman after his conquest of Karnasuvarna and Gauda, finding himself in the exalted position of an emperor, introduced this high office, probably in imitation of the Gupta emperors. The expression "prapta pancha maha sabda" probably means the holder of five offices each of which is styled Maha or great such as Mahasamanta, Maha-sainya-pati (ride stray-plate of Harjara), Maha-sandhivi grahik and so forth. It is interesting to note that the person named in this inscription, who was to mark out the boundaries of the lands comprised in the grant, was one Srikshi kunda, the. headman of Chandrapuri. The donees named in the plate, who were all Nagar Brahmans, included seven persons with the surname Kunda. Srikshi Kunda, the headman of Chandrapuri, was therefore himself also a Nagar Brahman. The nyaya karanika, was evidently a judge and it appears that this office existed till the medieval regime. The Bhandaragaradhikara meant the officer in charge of the royal treasury. This office also, though not mentioned in subsequent inscriptions, existed till the time of the medieval kings. The revenue collector is called Utkhetayita and the engraver of the inscription on the copperplate is called Sekyakara. One Kaliya was the engraver of this inscription and it is a common Kamrupi name even till now.



Art and industry

Arts and industries had then advanced to a remarkable extent. From the Harsha Charita of Bana it can find a list of the presents which Bhaskar Varman sent to Sri Harsha through his trusted envoy Hangshavega. These presents included an ingenuously constructed royal umbrella of exquisite workmanship studded with valuable gems, puthis written on Sachi bark, dyed cane mats, Agar-essence, musk in silk bags, liquid molasses in earthen pots, utensils, paintings, a pair of Brahmani ducks in a cage made of cane and overlaid with gold and a considerable quantity of silk fabrics some of which were so even and polished that they resembled Bhujapatra (probably Muga and pat fabrics). This list alone is sufficient to show that the arts and industries of Kamarupa, at such a distant period, reached a very high state of perfection. 

The Chinese accounts say that Bhaskar Varman could muster a fleet of 30,000 ships and an army of 20,000 elephants clad in mail. This may have been an overestimate but, even making due allowances for exaggeration we can conclude that Bhaskar Varman was a very powerful monarch and that during his time boat-building was a flourishing industry in Kamarupa and that iron, which must have been then available in abundance from the Khasi Hills, was largely manufactured into accoutrement of war. The manufacture of molasses in liquid form, from sugar-cane juice, is still a peculiar practice in the modern Kamarupa district. Agar-essence is still prepared in Assam from the resin produced from the Agar tree (Aquilaria Aglochia). The Assamese Muga and pat silk fabrics are still produced in abundance. Puthis written on Sachi bark an still abundant in Assam and musk is still an important product of the Bhutan hills. 


Bhaskar Varman's close connection with Sri Harsha and Yuan Chwang led to his association with the famous Buddhist university of Magadha, for his seal has been discovered at the site of Nalanda in the company of two fragmentary seals of Sri Harsha. The seals were found by Dr. Spooner during the excavation of the ruins of Nalanda in the year 1917-18. Mr. K.N Dikshit in his "Epigraphical notes of the Nalanda finds" referred to this seal and stated that the kings mentioned therein were not known to belong to any north-India dynasty. This was corrected by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (Vol. V). The corrected reading of the text of the seal as subsequently given by Mr. Dikshit is as follows:- 1. Sri Ganapati Varma Sri Yajnavatyam Sri Mahendra Varma. 2. Sri Suvratayam Sri Narayanavarma Sri Devavatyam Sri Mahabhuta Varma. 3. Sri Vijnana Vatyam Sri Chandramukha Varma Sri Bhogavatyam. 4. Sri Sthitavarma tena Sri Nayana Sobhayam (Sri Susthitavarma) 5. (Sri Syama Lakshmyam) Sri Supratisthita Varma. 6. Sri Bhaskara Varmeti. This genealogy agrees with that given in the Nidhanpur plate and also in the Harsha Charita of Bana. The mother of Susthitavarma' is however named "Nayana Shova" instead of Nayana Devi and the mother of Bhaskar Varman is named Syamalakshmi instead of Syamadevi as appearing in the Nidhanpur plate. The importance of this discovery requires no emphasis. Mr. Dikshit thinks that the seal probably accompanied Bhaskar Varman's letter to Silabhadra inviting Yuan Chwang. As however it was found in the company of the two Sri Harsha seals the probability is that both Sri Harsha and Bhaskar Varman, on their march from Rajmahal to Kanauj, visited Nalanda together with the Chinese pilgrim and, to commemorate their visit, left their respective seals at the university. This custom was evidently in vogue, for a considerable number of similar broken seals were discovered at the site, during the excavation. These seals being impressed upon clay tablets or plaques are decipherable though they were entombed under debris for so many centuries.