The Dark Age of Kamrupi language

    The introductory Indo-Aryan language of the Assam province is Kamrupi language, employed in North Bengal, Western Assam and parts of Central Assam, which since antiquity was exclusive literary language of the region.  
    The dark age of Kamrupi language come into being in nineteenth century, when Christian missionaries led by Nathan Brown inappropriately standardised Assamese language based on dialect of Sivasagar district, subsequently colonial government secured it as official language of entire province,overlooking objection of Kamrupi and Goalpariya intelligentsia, and missionaries working in Kamrupi language speaking territories, such as Brother Danforth. 

The Petition

    In 1873, the Kamrupi elites submitted a petition to lieutenant governor of Bengal, signed by 1,226 cross section of people from the region objecting imposing of Assamese language. It reads :

The Upper Assam dialect we beg respectfully to submit is spoken only by a small portion of the population of Assam, viz., those who reside in the two districts of Dibrooghur and Sibsagur and is altogether unimportant and meagre, and its capabilities and chances to make itself the language of this entire province are extremely limited, as its comparative poverty in respect to written and published works does conclusively show. The languages in vogue in the rest of the province, though presumptuously stigmatized by the Upper Assam people as provincial (Dhekie), on the contrary does manifest a remarkable and marked superiority in this respect over its rival, as the large majority of written works and all the most approved publications together with the sacred and religious writings of the people of Assam are found to have been composed in it, the conclusion evidently to be based on these reasons is that the claims and the prospects of the patois of Upper Assam to be made and adopted as the common language of the entire people of Assam are altogether unfounded and chimerical....The Upper Assam patois, the claims of which to be made the court language of the whole province have been advanced by certain agitators at Sibsagar is comprehended by the uneducated classes of Lower Assam with almost the same amount of difficulty as the Bengali. The people therefore instead of reaping advantages by the change will continue still under the old accustomed abuses such as being misunderstood by the judge and of being cheated by the Amlah....The presumption of the Upper Assam people to force their own patois to the acceptance to the people of whole Assam would bear an air of absurdity had their wishes not be seconded by noise of the noise created by missionaries who, we are sorry to witness, have already made a sad havoc with our language by adopting an abused  system of spelling by phonetic representation, and by publishing a highly objectionable dictionary and one or two filmsy grammatical primers. ......the Lower Assam languages which is enriched with literature, and which is spoken over the larger part of the country and by the majority of the  people be allowed  to be enforced in all the courts throughout Assam.1   

Sources

1. Letter from the people of Lower Assam, signed by 1226 persons, to the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Fort William, (enclosed in the letter from the Officiating Inspector of Schools, Assam Circle, to Colonel Hopkinson, Agent, North East Frontier and Commissioner of Assam, 30 January 1873), Assam Commissioner's File no.471, ASF, State Archives, Guwahati

Kamrup Bhawan

In a meeting of "Abibhakta Kamrup Sahitya Loka Sanskriti Mancha" held in November 2017 in Guwahati, stressed the need for preserving and promoting the culture of Kamrup region of India. The meeting resolved to put up statues of eminent Kamrupi writers and artistes like 'Sarat Chandra Goswami', 'Indira Goswami', 'Rameshwar Pathak' etc. It has taken the initiative to construct a "Kamrup Bhawan" in Guwahati.1 

References

1. Staff Reporter (November 8, 2017). "Preservation of folk culture stressed". Assam Tribune. Retrieved July 8, 2019.

Kumar Bhaskar Varman Kshetra

    ''Kumar Bhaskar Varman Kshetra'', also Kumar Bhaskar Barman Kshetra is upcoming cultural park in Guwahati, Kamrup, as announced on 27.07.16. Named after monarch Kumara Bhaskara Varman (600-650), the bachelor king who was also known as lord of Eastern Bharata, the complex is expected to be a cultural hub of local Kamrupi culture, stretching from antiquity to present.

 

See also

• Varman dynasty
  

The Early Period of Kamrup Kingdom

''The Early Period of Kamrup kingdom'' stretches from 4th A.D. to the 7th century A.D.

Genealogy

In the Nidhanpur plate of King Bhaskar Varman the genealogy of the kings mentioned therein is traced from Naraka, his son Bhagadatta and his grandson Vajradatta. There is really no inherent impossibility in the same dynasty ruling from the time of the Mahabharata war down to the seventh century A.D. It is known that a Paurava kin, who must have descended from Puru, the remote ancestor of Yudhisthira of the Mahabharata fame, ruled over a part of the Punjab in the fourth century B.C. when Alexander the Great invaded India. Pragjyotisha was a frontier kingdom of India, girt on all sides except the west, by natural defences. 
It is possible that its kings, after Vajradatta, either acknowledged the overlordship of other more powerful kings of northern India or, being out of the way, were not molested by any of them but, as already stated, the fact that the kingdom came to play no part in the history of northern India within historical times from the rise of Bimbisara in Magadha, in the sixth century B.C. down to the time of Samudra Gupta in the fourth century A.D, is rather striking and leads one to suppose that probably there might have been some upheaval within the kingdom which reduced it to an insignificant position. Anyway, in the absence of clear proof to the contrary, it can assume as correct Bhaskar Varman's claim of descent, in unbroken line, from Naraka, as stated in the Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription.

Similarity in naming process

It is rather significant that the names of some of the Kamarupa kings follow closely those of the illustrious emperors of Aryavarta. Pushyamitra Sunga usurped the Mourya throne about 185 B.C. He revived the ancient horse sacrifice or Aswamedha and became renowned. He died about 149 B.C. The name of the Kamarupa king Pushya Varman was probably given after the renowned Sunga king of Magadha. Similarly it find Pushya Varman's son named Samudra Varman after Samudra Gupta, the famous Gupta emperor who ruled from 330 to about 385 A.D. Even Samudra Varman's queen bore the same name as the queen of Samudra Gupta. This goes to show that Samudra Varman probably ruled a short time after Samudra Gupta whose illustrious name was then green in the memory of the people of northern India.

Epigraphic records

The first epigraphic record which mentions Kamarupa is the famous Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta which was once regarded as posthumous but which historians now believe to have been engraved during the life time of the famous emperor. In this inscription Kamarupa is mentioned as a frontier kingdom along with Samatata, Davaka, Nepala and Kartripura the kings of which fully gratified the imperious commands of Samudra Gupta "by giving all kinds of taxes and obeying his orders and coming to perform obeisance". The "pratyanta nripati" of Kamarupa who submitted to Samudra Gupta was very probably no other than Pushya Varman. Gait has placed him tentatively in the first half of the fifth century but this is probably not correct, as his accession to the throne took place no later than 380 A.D. 

It is known that Samudra Gupta celebrated the horse-sacrifice but it does not appear that his son Chandra Gupta II, who assumed the title Vikramaditya, performed the same ceremony. In the traditional accounts of Kamarupa it is however stated that a king of the Naraka dynasty named Subahu detained the sacrificial horse of Vikramaditya who then invaded Kamarupa and put Subahu to flight. Subahu might have been the popular name of Pushya Varman as Mriganka was the popular name of Susthita Varman and Samudra Gupta was the Vikramaditya referred to in the traditional account. It is quite possible that, following the ancient custom, Samudra Gupta, in his digvijaya, prior to the Aswamedha, led his sacrificial horse and challenged all the kings to detain the horse. Those who accepted the challenge had to fight while those who wanted to avoid fight acknowledged the overlordship of the conqueror and allowed the horse to pass unrestricted. Pushya Varman, otherwise known as Subahu, having stopped the horse had to fight and being worsted acknowledged the suzerainty of the Gupta emperor and performed obeisance. 

Pushya Varman was succeeded by his son Samudra Varman who was perhaps the contemporary of Chandra Gupta II Vikramaditya and the celebrated poet Kalidasa. In the Nidhanpur inscription it is stated that there was no "matsyanyaya" in his kingdom and that Samudra Varman was like the fifth ocean. The word "matsyanyaya" has been explained as anarchy due to the absence of a strong ruler when the powerful people oppress the weak just as the larger fish devour the smaller fry. The mention of this word seems to indicate that there was such anarchy during the reigns of his predecessors. It may be that after such anarchy was ended Pushya Varman rose to power or that after the accession of Pushya Varman the anarchy ended.

Kalidasa poetry references

Some scholars believe that the poet Kalidasa who was in the court of Chandra Gupta II Vikramaditya, really narrated in canto IV of his Raghuvansha, the conquering tour (digvijaya) of Samudra Gupta under the poetic disguise of Raghu. At any rate, Kalidasa in the beginning of the fifth century A.D. must have recorded the facts concerning the countries of India mentioned in his book according to his own knowledge of those countries. For instance, the hydrographical condition of Bengal at that time is clearly referred to in canto IV, verses 34 to 38. The poet mentions that Raghu's son Aja selected the king of Kamarupa as his best man in his marriage with Indumati. This shows that the king of Kamarupa of his time, who was probably Samudra Varman, was a very important monarch belonging to an old and reputed dynasty; otherwise the poet would not have made him the best man of the son of his hero.

Kashmir Chronicles

With regard to the next king Bala Varman I, the son of Samudra Varman by his queen Datta Devi, the Nidhanpur inscription states that "his irresistible troops constituted his armour". It appears therefore that he was a powerful king and a conqueror. There is mention in the Kashmir chronicle Rajatarangini that king Meghavahana of Kashmir married a Pragjyotisha princess named Amritaprabha. It is stated that the king of Pragjyotisha held a svayamvara for the marriage of the princess. Of all the princes assembled Amritaprabha's choice fell upon the Kashmir prince Meghavahana. It is recorded that "there in the presence of the kings Meghavahana received from the princess Amritaprabha the bridegrom's garland while the parasol of Varuna cast its shade upon him. By this the people knew his future greatness as by the west wind the gathering of clouds. Because this parasol, which king Naraka had carried away frown Varuna cast its shade on no one but a sovereign of the whole globe. This parasol or umbrella is mentioned also in the Harsha Charita of Bana wherein it is stated that it was an heirloom of the kings of the dynasty of Naraka. It is also stated there that King Bhaskar Varman, through his envoy Hangshavega, presented this umbrella to Sri Harshavardhana. It is stated that queen Amritaprabha erected in Kashmir a lofty Vihara for the benefit of the foreign bhiksus and that this Vihara was known as Amritabhavan. It is further stated that Amritaprabha took to Kashmir a Tibetan Buddhist scholar named Stunpa who was a preceptor of her father, the Kamarupa king. This Stunpa erected a stupa in Kashmir known as "Lo-stunpa". 

If the above statements are to be believed as true it would appear that Buddhism had spread into Kamarupa long before the visit of Yuan Chwang, that a remote ancestor of Bhaskar Varman was a Buddhist and that the cultural connection between Kamarupa and Tibet, began as early as fifth century A.D. According to Kahlan, the author of the Rajatarangini, Meghavahana was succeeded by Sresthisena and the latter by Toramana. If this Toramana is identical with the Ephthalic king Toramana, the father of the famous Mihiragula, the king of the white Huns who ruled over the Punjab and possibly also over Kashmir, then he cannot be placed earlier than the third quarter of the fifth century A.D. The identification would probably be correct for, according to Kahlan, Toramana struck coins in his name extensively and such coins have, as a matter of fact, been discovered in large quantities. These bear the name Toramana in characters of the Gupta period. This being so, Meghavahana may be placed about the second quarter of the fifth century though Kahlan's chronology places him in the first century and he was probably the son in law of the Kamarupa king Bala Varman I. This matrimonial alliance and the celebration of the Svayamvara indicates that Pragjyotisha or Kamarupa was then an important kingdom in northern India and that it was no longer a mere frontier kingdom as in the days of Pushya Varman.

Other accounts

Vincent Smith mentions that in the year 428 A.D., during the reign of emperor Kumara Gupta, an embassy was sent to China by an Indian king named Yue-ai (Moon-loved) who was lord of the Ka-pi-Ii country. Lt. Col. Wilson has identified Ka-pi-li with the Kapili river of Assam named in the Kalika purana as Kapila-Ganga, and Vincent Smith has tentatively accepted this identification. As it is already suggested, the Kapili valley, which is still called Davaka, may be identified with the kingdom of Davaka mentioned in the Allahabad inscription of Sumudra Gupta. The embassy may therefore have been sent by the king of Davaka whose name was either Chandra Priya or Chandra Vallabha. It should however be mentioned that there was a king of Kamarupa named Chandra-mukha (moon-faced) who was the great-grandfather of Bhaskar Varman. He cannot, however, be assigned to the second quarter of the fifth century. It seems that in the sixth or the seventh century this kingdom of Davaka was absorbed by Kamarupa, for according to Yuan Chwang's account the Kapili valley was included in Kamarupa. The kings after Bala Varman were Kalyana Varman, Ganapati Varman, Mahendra Varman and Narayana Varman who do not appear to have been much renowned.

Copper plate seals and inscriptions

According to the Nidhanpur inscription, Ganapati Varman was generous in his gifts while Narayana Varman was like king Janaka, deeply versed in the knowledge of the self. Narayana Varman was succeeded by his son Mahabhuta Varman who is named in the Harsha Charita as Bhuti Varman. It was he who granted, to a large number of Brahmans, lands in the Chadrapuri vishaya. The copper-plate relating to this grant having been destroyed by fire his great great grand son Bhaskar Varman recorded, what is known as the Nidhanpur grant, to confirm the gift made by his ancestor. Originally only three plates of this inscription were discovered by Pandit Padmanath Bhattacharya Vidya Vinod who contributed a paper on them in Epigraphia Indica vol XII. Subsequently two more plates found were described by Pandit Vidyavinod in XIX of the Epigraphia Indica. The third lost plate was again discussed by him in the same journal. One more plate is still missing. The newly discovered plates mention the names of Chandrapuri vishaya, Kausika River and Mayura-Salmala agrahara. The occurrence of the word "agrahara" seems to indicate the existence of a temple for the maintenance of which and its Shebaits the lands were granted. As the inscription begins with the adoration of ashbesmeared Mahadeva it is clear that these Kamarupa kings were all devotees of Siva. As a matter of fact Siva is invoked in the inscription as the istadevata of the donor. Further in the Harsha Charita it is stated that Bhaskar Varman worshiped only the lotus-feet of Siva. So it may be assumed that the agrahara mentioned in the inscription was no other than a Siva temple. 

The further discovered plates contain the names of the donees, who number more than 200. From this list it can find such names as Vishnu-Ghosha, Arka-Datta, Rishi-Dama, Dama-Deva, Dhurva-Soma, Vishnu-Palita, Gayatri-Pala, Yajna-Kunda, Padma-Dassa, Tosha-Naga and Gopala-Nandi. It is curious that the surname Ghosha, Datta, Dama, Deva, Soma, Palita, Pala, Kundu, Dasa, Naga and Nandi are now confided to Kayasthas of Bengal but not to Brahmans. One authority named Dr. Bhandarkar has pointed out that identical surnames were used by the Nagar-Brahmans. It is not known when and how such a colony of Brahmans came to be settled in Kamarupa near the Kosi River as early as the beginning of the sixth century. Pandit Vidyavinod's surmise that most of the Brahman families in the neighbouring province of modern Bengal are the descendant; of these Brahmans from Kamarupa seems to rest on good foundation. The Nidhanpur inscription is an epigraphic record of very great historic value. 

In the first part of the sixth century during the reign of Narayana Varman or his son Mahabhuta Varmran, Yasodharman king of Malwa, who defeated Mihiragula, the leader of the white Huns, is said to have conquered the whole of northern India from the Brahmaputra to the western ocean. This is recorded in his Mandasor pillar inscription wherein it is emphasized that Yasodharman conquered territories which even the Guptas (on the east) and the Huns (on the west) failed to penetrate. It is possible to detect here a reference to Kamarupa which was always outside the Gupta Empire. The invasion of Kamarupa by Yasodharman is here indicated. It is not known how far this invasion was successful. Anyway, the conquest of Eastern India by Yasodharman, in the early part of the sixth century, shows that about that period the Gupta power in Magadha was nearly extinct.

Boundaries

As a matter of fact the Imperial Guptas ceased to rule after the close of the fifth century and, as remarked by Vincent Smith, that line passed by an obscure transition into what is known as the dynasty of the "Later Guptas of Magadha." This dynasty did not exercise sovereignty even over the whole of Magadha, part of which came under the sway of the Varmans of Maukhari. Taking advantage of the decline of the Gupta power the Kamarupa kings appear to have extended their kingdom towards the west. Down to the end of the fifth century the tract of country between the Teesta and the Kosi formed the Pundravardhana Bhukti of the Gupta Empire. In the first quarter of the sixth century it can find this tract within the Kamarupa kingdom. 

Mahabhuta Varman's grant referred to above may be dated about 525 A.D. This grant consisted of lands in the Chandrapuri Vishaya within the present district of Purnea for, according to the Nidhanpur inscription, the lands granted were on the banks of the old channel of the Kausika or Kosi. Rennell's map of Bengal (1783) shows the position of the old channel of the Kosi. It appears that this river originally took an easterly course and flowing to the west of Purnea fell into the Ganges at Rajmahal or nearly forty miles below its present confluence with the Ganges. It appears from the Nidhanpur inscription that the river had already abandoned its old channel by the time Bhaskar Varman confirmed his ancestor's grant. That the Kausika, mentioned in the inscription, is the Kosi River in modern Bihar admits of no doubt, but certain writers have attempted to identity Kausika with the Kusiara river in Sylhet. These writers conveniently forget that in the ninth century another Kamarupa king, named Vanamala, granted lands adjoining the Chandrapuri Vishaya and, in order to localize the lands more definitely. He stated in his inscription that the lands lay to the west of the Teesta (Trisrotayah paschimatah). After this, any attempt to locate the Chandrapuri Vishava anywhere in the Sylhet district cannot but be regarded as childish.

Confrontation with Guptas

Towards the close of the sixth century the dynasty of the Later Guptas produced a powerful king 'named Mahasena Gupta. By checking the Maukharis in mid-India he re-established the Gupta power to some extent. After this he turned his attention towards the east where the Kamarupa kings had appropriated to themselves the whole of the Pundravardhana bhukti. He was therefore compelled to declare war against the then Kamarupa king Susthita Varman, the father of Bhaskar Varman. It appears that Susthita Varman sustained a crushing defeat and Mahasena Gupta earned a Treat victory which was glorified by his grandson in the Aphshad inscription. It is stated in this inscription that Susthita Varman was defeated by Mahasena Gupta "whose mighty fame, marked in honour of victory over the illustrious Susthita Varman (and white) as a full-blown Jasmine flower or water-lily, or as a pair of necklace of pearls pounded into little bits, is still constantly sung on the banks of the Brahmaputra, the surfaces of which are (so) cool, by the Siddhas in pairs, when they wake up after sleeping in the shade of the betel plants that are in full bloom". This panegyric was justified for the victory had really important political consequences. Mahasena Gupta recovered the whole of the Pundravardhana bhukti and the Kamarupa boundary was pushed back to the Teesta- Karatoya. The result was that the territories which included the lands donated by Mahabhuta Varman in the previous century were lost to Kamarupa. When in the early part of the seventh century Sasanka was overthrown, Bhaskar Varman re-acquired the lost tracts and confirmed the grant of his ancestor. This explains why the confirmation was issued immediately after the overthrow of Sasanka and from the victorious camp itself where Bhaskar Varman was "accompanied by a fleet of war-boats, war-elephants, cavalry and infantrv." Susthita Varman, though defeated, was a great king and therefore in the Aphshad inscription he is described as "illustrious". The victory over him and the recovery of the territories were therefore regarded as a great triumph as the text of the inscription indicates. Susthita Varman could not retalliate the defeat during his lifetime. He left this duty to his worthy son Bhaskar Varman.

Alliance with Harsha

The starting fixed point in the above chronology is the reign of Bhaskar Varman, the contemporary of Harshavardhana – Siladitya or Sri Harsha and the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang. Sri Harsha ruled from 606 to 648 A.D. It appears that Bhaskar Varman was older than Sri Harsha, for in the procession at Kanauj in 644 A.D. Sri Harsha himself dressed as Indra while Bhaskar Varman personated as Brahma. The role of Brahma would not have been assigned to Bhaskar Varman if he was not older than Sri Harsha. It can therefore place Bhaskar Varman's accession to the throne about 600 A.D. From this point, by allowing on an average 20 years for the reign of each king it can place Pushya Varman's accession about 380 A.D., but probably he ruled earlier. The allowance of 20 years for each reign cannot be considered extravagant in view of the long reign of Bhaskar Varman himself which covered nearly fifty years. The names of the above mentioned kings, as given in the inscription, can be partly verified from two sources. The first is the clay-seal of Bhaskar Varman which was discovered during excavation of the Nalanda ruins. This seal contains the names of all the kings and queens from Ganapati Varman to Bhaskar Varman. The second is the Harsha Charita of Bana who flourished in the court of Sri Harsha and was therefore a contemporary of Bhaskar Varman. In this work the names of the Kamarupa kings and queens from Mahabhuta Varman are given. The only difference is that Mahabhuta Varman is mentioned in the Harsha Charita as Bhuti Varman. As a matter of fact, in line 51 of the Nidhanpur inscription itself Mahabhuta Varman is referred to as Bhuti Varman. Evidently he was popularly known as Bhuti Varman.

Standardisation of Kamrupi language

    The Kamrupi language, a significant linguistic and cultural heritage of the Kamrup region in India, is currently the subject of a proposed standardization effort. This initiative aims to refine and formalize the language, positioning it as a suitable candidate for designation as the official language of the Kamrup region. Drawing inspiration from the successful standardization of the Hindustani language, which evolved into Hindi and now serves as an official language of India, the Kamrupi standardization proposal seeks to adapt and modernize the language to meet contemporary administrative and cultural needs. This article explores the historical context, current state, and proposed modifications for the Kamrupi language, as well as its potential to serve as an official language.

 

Historical Context of the Kamrupi Language

    The Kamrupi language has a rich history, having served as a standard language in the Kamrup region and beyond during ancient to medieval times. As a member of the Indo-Aryan language family, Kamrupi has deep roots in the linguistic traditions of land, closely related to other regional languages such as Assamese. During its historical prominence, Kamrupi was used in literature, administration, and cultural expressions, establishing itself as a vital medium of communication in the region.

    The language’s historical significance is evident in its literary contributions, including poetry, prose, and inscriptions that reflect the cultural and intellectual life of the Kamrup region. However, with the passage of time and the influence of colonial and post-colonial linguistic policies, Kamrupi’s role as a standardized language diminished, giving way to other dominant languages like Assamese and Bengali in official and educational contexts. Despite this, Kamrupi has retained a strong presence in the cultural fabric of the region, particularly through its modern literary forms and traditional folk songs known as Lokgeets.

Current State of Kamrupi

    In its present form, Kamrupi continues to thrive as a vibrant spoken and literary language among the people of the Kamrup region. The modern literary form of Kamrupi, which includes written works such as poetry, short stories, and essays, retains much of the standard character of its medieval predecessor. Additionally, Lokgeets, the traditional folk songs of the region, serve as a living repository of Kamrupi’s linguistic and cultural heritage. These songs, passed down through generations, encapsulate the region’s folklore, values, and social history, making them a cornerstone of Kamrupi identity.

    Despite its cultural significance, Kamrupi faces challenges in its current form that prevent it from being immediately suitable as an official language. The lack of a standardized script, inconsistent orthography, and variations in dialect across different parts of the Kamrup region pose significant hurdles. Furthermore, the language has not been formally integrated into modern administrative, educational, or legal frameworks, limiting its practical utility in official contexts.

The Need for Standardization

    The proposed standardization of Kamrupi aims to address these challenges by establishing a unified linguistic framework that can support its adoption as an official language. Standardization involves several key aspects, including the development of a consistent writing system, standardized grammar, and a standardized vocabulary that can accommodate modern administrative and technical requirements. This process is critical to ensuring that Kamrupi can function effectively in official communications, education, and governance.

    The standardization of Hindustani into Hindi provides a compelling model for Kamrupi’s transformation. Hindi, as it exists today, emerged from a deliberate effort to standardize the Hindustani language by adopting the Devanagari script, codifying grammar, and expanding its vocabulary to suit modern needs. This process enabled Hindi to become a unifying language for millions of speakers and a cornerstone of India’s administrative and cultural identity. Similarly, the standardization of Kamrupi could elevate its status, ensuring its preservation and relevance in a rapidly modernizing world.

Proposed Modifications for Kamrupi

To prepare Kamrupi for its role as an official language, several modifications are necessary. These include:

1. Adoption of a Standardized Script: While Kamrupi is primarily written in the eastern nagari script, variations in orthography and regional preferences have led to inconsistencies. A standardized script, potentially based on the old Kamrupi script with modifications to accommodate Kamrupi’s unique phonetic characteristics, would ensure uniformity in written communication.

2. Codification of Grammar and Syntax: A comprehensive grammar for Kamrupi, addressing its syntax, morphology, and phonology, must be developed. This would provide a clear framework for educators, writers, and administrators, ensuring consistency in usage.

3. Vocabulary Expansion: To meet the demands of modern governance and education, Kamrupi’s vocabulary needs to be enriched with terms for technical, legal, and administrative concepts. This could involve borrowing from related languages, reviving archaic terms, or creating new words rooted in Kamrupi’s linguistic traditions.

4. Dialect Harmonization: The Kamrup region encompasses several dialects of Kamrupi, each with distinct phonetic and lexical features. Standardization would require harmonizing these dialects into a unified form that retains the language’s diversity while ensuring mutual intelligibility.

5. Development of Educational Resources: To promote Kamrupi’s use in schools and universities, standardized textbooks, dictionaries, and digital resources must be created. These materials would facilitate the teaching and learning of Kamrupi, fostering its adoption among younger generations.

6. Official Recognition and Policy Support: For Kamrupi to be established as an official language, it must receive formal recognition from regional authorities. This would involve integrating Kamrupi into government documentation, legal proceedings, and public services, supported by policies that promote its use.

Cultural and Social Implications

    The standardization of Kamrupi is not merely a linguistic exercise but a cultural and social endeavor. By elevating Kamrupi to the status of an official language, the Kamrup region can strengthen its cultural identity and foster a sense of pride among its speakers. The language’s rich literary and folk traditions, including Lokgeets, would gain greater visibility, ensuring their preservation for future generations.

    Moreover, the recognition of Kamrupi as an official language would empower local communities by giving them a voice in governance and administration. It would also promote inclusivity, ensuring that speakers of Kamrupi have access to education, employment, and public services in their native language. This aligns with India’s broader linguistic diversity, where multiple languages coexist as official mediums of communication.

Challenges and Considerations

    The standardization of Kamrupi is not without challenges. Resistance from speakers of other regional languages, logistical difficulties in implementing a standardized framework, and the need for financial and institutional support are significant hurdles. Additionally, care must be taken to ensure that standardization does not erode the linguistic diversity of Kamrupi’s dialects or alienate speakers who identify with regional variations.

    To address these challenges, a collaborative approach involving linguists, educators, policymakers, and community leaders is essential. Public consultations and awareness campaigns can help build consensus and ensure that the standardization process reflects the needs and aspirations of Kamrupi speakers.

    The proposed standardization of the Kamrupi language represents a significant step toward its recognition as the official language of the Kamrup region. By drawing on the historical legacy of Kamrupi, preserving its literary and folk traditions, and adapting it to modern needs, this initiative has the potential to revitalize the language and secure its place in the cultural and administrative life of the region. Like the standardization of Hindi, the transformation of Kamrupi into a formalized language could serve as a unifying force, empowering its speakers and enriching the linguistic tapestry of India. With careful planning, community support, and institutional backing, Kamrupi can reclaim its status as a vibrant and official language of the Kamrup region.

 

A Study on Kamrupi (1958 Thesis by Dr. Upendranath Goswami)

In 1958 Gauhati University granted doctorate to noted linguist Upendranath Goswami for his thesis 'A Study on Kamrupi: a dialect of Assamese', which later published as book in 1970 with same title. His research covers history, phonology, morphology and other peculiarities of ancient Kamrupi language; which now has lost its prestige and remained as dialect of one of its offspring's, the Assamese language. Find it here.

Bhal-Bholka

''Bhal-Bholka'' also known as Mahkheda (mosquito-driveout) and Mohoho, is important festival celebrated in Kamrup. This festival resembles Bhalla-Bhulla festival of some parts of East Bengal, which is meant for the ceremonial killing of insects.

Kuchi

''Kuchi'' is a suffix using in the name of areas of the Kamrup region, both urban and rural. The word is derived from Kamrupi language meaning cluster of villages. Different references of its usage were found in ancient and medieval times. Vaidyadeva issued his grant from village named Hangsakuchi. The plates of Vallabha mentioned Debonikuchi and Samsrahikuchi; Pancolakuchi, Daluvakuchi and Dudhavakuchi found in the Nilachala plates of medieval poet Madhavadeva.

Kamrupi Jatra

''Kamrupi Yatra'' are theatrical companies found in the Kamrup region. This Yatra performances were national pastime for Kamrupi people, mostly in pre-modern times. Yatra's entered in the cultural sphere of Kamrup quite late. Early known Yatra parties were formed in 1860-70. The founder of first  Kamrupi Yatra party was Jaydev Sarma of Murkuchi of Kamrup. This mobile performances grown stronger with mass participation of people in open spaces.

Kamrup - Kamakhya

''Kamrup - Kamakhya'' is the name stands for famous shrine of Kamakhya and the country i.e Kamrup, that contains it.

Silsako

 

Ancient Silsako bridge, just before its piers were destroyed in 1897 Assam earthquake.

Ancient Silsako bridge

Silsako is ancient stone bridge over channel of river Barnadi in Hajo, Kamrup. Though channnel changed its cross over the time, yet Bridge is stranded in middle of a small lake. It is important transit route in ancient and medieval times. Many invaders like Muhammed Bin Bukhtiyar entered into Kamarupa in the year 1205-06 AD, and crossed the bridge Silsako lying at the distance of about 8 miles from Kamarupa Nagar (present North Gauhati). This historical bridge sustained damage in 1897 Assam earthquake. Hannay, who in 1851 saw and measured the bridge, wrote as follows:

From the great care taken in the chiselling, squaring and fitting up of the component parts of the whole, as well as the great size and weight, the work is one of great strength and solidity. And this accounts for the good state of preservation in which it find it in the present day ; for with the exception of the masonry of the abutment at each end, in which large trees have taken root and displaced the stones, the rest of the structure may be said to be entire. From a fracture in one of the pillars I observed that the upper blocks were kept in their places by means of iron pins firmly wedged into the lower ones; four apparently through the centre and one on each side of the square of the shaft, and although not visible, other portions of the work may be iron-clamped ; the slabs of the platform were marked with clamping holes and on the edge of the outside slabs are three square holes (3 inches square) which were no doubt intended for the wooden supports of a balustrade. Several frieze-carved blocks are also lying near the end abutment from which I imagine the entrance of each may have been ornamented or these may have been gateways." "The design and style of architecture of this bridge evidently belongs to a remote period in the annals of Kamrup and, in its original structure at least, must be co-eval with the erection of the ancient Brahmanical temples the remains of which are found so widely scattered throughout the length and breadth of Assam ; the works of its former Brahmanical kings, a race long ago extinct in the annals of modem Hinduism and of whom the present race in Assam know nothing

— S.F Hannay,1851

Radhikar Kalatika Bhanjan

''Radhikar Kalatika Bhanjan'' is small collection of verses composed in Kamrup region by noted medieval Kamrupi literary figure 'Gopinath Dvija'. This work is considered as one of the purest forms of Kamrupi language.

Kamrupi System of Indigenous Medicine

''Kamrupi System of Indigenous Medicine'' or ''Kamrupi Ayurveda'' is indigenous form of medicine practised in ancient, medieval Kamrup, and to some extent in modern times. Herbs were mostly used to treat both human and animal life. The masses had great faith in the Kamrupi system which contributed towards the health conditions and the Ayurvedic science in general.

Kamrupi Brahmins

    ''Kamrupi Brahmins'' (Kāmarūpī Brāhmaṇa) (Sanskrit: कामरुपी ब्राह्मण), also known as Kamarupi Brahmana and Kamrupi Bamon; were nomadic Brahmins whom settled in Kamarupa in pre-historic times. They brought with them different Hindu epics and became torch-bearer of Aryan culture in the region.

Classifications

In the Smriti view there are four "varnas", or classes: the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas, the Vaishyas, and Shudras.

Manu enjoins that
Brahamanasaya Tapo Gyana
Tapa Kshatrasaya Rakshanam
Vaishyasya Tu Tapo Varta
Tapa Sudrasaya Sewanama
The pursuit of knowledge is the austerity of a Brahmana
Protecting the people is the austerity of a Kshatriya
The pursuit of his daily business is the austerity of a Vaishya
And service the austerity of a Sudra.

Background

    Brahmin's of Kamrup or sometimes Western Assam, are known as Kamrupi Brahmin's. Large groups of this Brahmin's originate from, and mostly still live in, the ancient urban areas of Gauhati, Nalbari and Barpeta. These families Brahmin's hold surnames Sarma/Sharma, Bhagawati, Bhattacharya, Chakraborty, Mishra, Shastri etc. Kamrupi Brahmin's are divided into Shakta and Vaishnava cult followers.

History

    Kamrupi Brahmins were prosperous during the Varman dynasty's reign of Kamarupa. The Kamrupi king Bhaskar Varman regularly gave land and other grants to the Kamrupi Brahmins, copper plates issued alongside for same. A portion of the copper-plate grant of Bhaskar Varman states: Rigvedic, Samavedic and Yajurvedic Brahmins lived in Kamarupa before the time of Bhaskar Varman. Of these three classes of Brahmins the followers of the Bahvrichya branch of the Rigveda were divided into the gotras of: - Kasyapa, - Kausika, - Gautama, - Parasarya, - Bharadvaja, - Varaha, - Vatsya, - Varhaspatya and - Saunaka ; Of those following the Chhandoga branch of the Samaveda belonged to the gotras of : - Paskalya The followers of the Taittiriya branch of the Yajurveda belonged to the gotra of: - Kasyapa And those of the Charaka branch to the gotra of: - Katyayana ; The followers of the Vajasaneya branch belonged to the gotras of: - Angirasa, - Alambayana, - Gargya, - Gautama, - Bharadvaja, - Yaska, - Sakatayana, and - Salankayana besides the six gotras mentioned before.

    In all these three groups of Brahmanas living in Kamarupa had 26 gotras at the time of their greatest power and standing. In later ages any traces of the Samavedic and Rigvedic Brahmanas disappeared . Most probably they had changed their residence or their lines came to an end. The following lines occur in Raja Harendra Narayan's Raja vansabali —

"The Brahmanas living on the northern bank of the Lauhitya were all followers of the Yajurveda. They were all saddcharis and ritvijas (Vedic sacrificers)"

Sources

1) Mani L. Bose, Social History of Assam: Being a Study of the Origins of Ethnic Identity, 1989, p. 40 when the Aryans entered Assam from the west is uncertain. It seems probably that the Aryan penetration into Assam began from the time of the Brahmanas and the Epics and by the 3rd century A.D. Aryan culture became the predominant.

2) Manu. Manu Smriti, Adhaya (Chapter) XI Sloka 236.

3) The Journal of the Institute of Bangladesh Studies(1994),Institute of Bangladesh Studies, University of Rajshahi

4) Vasu, N.N, The Social History of Kamarupa, Vol.1 (1922), p.p 5-6

The Kamrupi era

The ''Kamarupi era'' was era commenced from the year 594 A.D, which is associated with ancient Kamrup kingdom that existed in medieval Kamrup region. In old Kamrupi manuscripts, it is mentioned that in Kamrupi year 612 Bakhtiyar Khilji invaded Kamrup and was defeated, which was established as 1206 A.D.

Kamrupi language

   ''Kamrupi language'' is the first Indo-Aryan language spoken in the Brahmaputra valley and North Bengal.¹ During medieval times, intellectuals and saints in the Brahmaputra Valley and its adjacent areas employed Kamrupi for literary purposes, alongside Sanskrit, for both prose and poetry. This differed from the practices of literary figures in central India, such as Vidyapati, who used Sanskrit for prose and Maithili for poetry.² Notably, in contemporary times, the South Kamrupi dialect has been effectively utilized by author Indira Goswami in her works, producing dramatic effects. Ambikagiri Raichoudhury, a renowned poet and nationalist hailing from Kamrup, also extensively used the Kamrupi language in his writings.³ 

 

    According to the census data of 1951 and 2011, the combined number of Kamrupi language speakers in the Undivided Kamrup district, referred to as the "Kamrup region," is estimated to be 1,177,587 and 6,000,000, respectively.^4 5

Etymology

    The appellation traced to Kamrup, the place where it is spoken. In Hindu mythology, Shiva burnt Kamadeva into ashes by a fiery glance of his third eye. Kamadeva eventually regained his life and his original 'form' (Rupa) here and the land where this took place become known as "Kamrup" ("Kamarupa").

Dialects

    The Kamrupi language has three dialects: West Kamrupi (Barpeta), Central Kamrupi (Nalbari) and South Kamrupi (Palasbari).⁶ The West Kamrupi dialect is spoken in Barpeta district and circumambient regions, Central Kamrupi dialect is spoken in Nalbari district and adjacent areas and South Kamrupi dialect is spoken in Palashbari and surrounding neighbourhoods.⁶

Script

Kamrupi Consonants

    The classical Kamrupi script was historically utilized for writing the Kamrupi language until the end of the first millennium. This script underwent a bifurcation into four distinct varieties in the second millennium, namely Bamoniya (employed by Brahmins), Katheli (utilized by Kayasthas), Lakhri (used by the common people of Kamrup),⁷ and Gadgaya (specific to Eastern Assam). The first three varieties were exclusively used for writing in Western Assam. However, since the nineteenth century, the Bengali script has been adopted for writing the Kamrupi language.⁸

 

Kamrup

    During the first half of the seventh century, the renowned Chinese traveler Hiuen-Tsiang visited Kamrup, which was under the rule of Bhaskar Varman at that time. He observed that the language spoken in Kamrup differed slightly from the languages spoken in central India. This linguistic distinction marked the emergence of what is now known as early Assamese or Kamrupi. This observation provided substantial evidence for Upendranath Goswami, who concluded that Assamese first made its way into Kamarupa, or western Assam, where it began to develop as a distinct language. Hiuen-Tsiang's remarks about the Kingdom of Kamarupa during the reign of Bhaskar Varman serve as vital historical records in this regard.Suniti Kumar Chatterji, another notable linguist, further supports this assertion by stating that one would expect a single, uniform language to have been prevalent in both North Central Bengal (Pundra-vardhana) and North Bengal, as well as in West Assam (Kamarupa) during the seventh century. 

 

    This expectation arises from the fact that these regions and other parts of Bengal shared similar linguistic characteristics during that period. Originally, Kamrupi was spoken in the region of Kamrup and gradually spread to adjacent areas as the Kingdom of Kamrup expanded its boundaries through conquest. Its presence and influence extended beyond its traditional borders due to the territorial acquisitions of the kingdom.
 

Scholarly views

    Furthermore, the modern Bengali scholars like Suniti Kumar Chatterjee and Sukumar Sen have named the dialect of Bengali spoken in North Bengal as Kamrupi. Chatterjee writes, Assamese Kamrupi and Bengali Kamrupi is quite similar, the division possibly occurred due to political reasons and two forms dialect continuum. According to him, Magadhi Prakrit, keeping north of the Ganga river, gave rise to the Kamarupa Apabhramsa dialects of Western Assam and North Bengal. He divides Magadhan dialects regionwise as Radha, Varendra, Kamarupa and Vanga.

Dr. Sukumar Sen says, "Oriya and Assamese have intimate relations with Bengali. All three were the same language initially. There is not much difference between Kamrupi dialect of Bengali and Assamese. Assamese has differed from Kamrupi in the modern period because of inclusion of innumerable Deshi words". 

Upendranath Goswami wrote, "The Assamese language, coming from the west was first characterized in Kamrup or Western Assam whose boundary comprised in early times the whole of North-Bengal, including Cooch-Behar, Rangpur and Jalpaiguri districts of Bengal".

According to Kanak Lal Barua, the Kamrupi dialect was originally a variety of eastern Maithili and it was, no doubt, the spoken Aryan language throughout the kingdom which then included the whole of Assam valley and whole of North Bengal with the addition of the district of Purnea. The language of the Buddhist Dohas is described as belonging to the mixed Maithili Kamrupi language.

Features

Kamrupi Vowels

Phonology

(a) The treatment of ks as kh which is a notable feature in O.I.A and the Kamrupi, has been found in Kamrup inscriptions, such as inscriptions of Ratna Pala where ksitimatha & khimatha was used.

(b) /X/ does not occurs finally in Kamrupi, it does in Eastern dialect. In non-initial position Old Indo-Aryan sibilants become /kh/ and sometimes /h/, whereas in eastern Assamese it become /x/, e.g. Akha (hope) and Axa (east Assamese).

(c) Medial vowels are thus rarely pronounced or largely slurred over.

(d) In Kamrupi, two consecutive /a/ are tolerated (star: /taɹa/ (Kamrupi), /tɔɹa/ (eastern dialect)). In Eastern Assamese if a word has two /a/ sounds side-by-side, the first /a/ turns into an /ɔ/ or /ɛ/. . 

(e) Epenthetic vowels are the rule in Kamrupi, with even diphthongs and triphthongs appearing in initial syllables (haula Kam; haluwa St) (keuila Kam; kewaliya E Ass).

(f) High vowels are feature of Kamrupi, in contrast to predominance of medial vowels in Eastern dialect. Kapur, tule, mul, tamul and khalu in Eastern Assamese as against Kapor (cloth), tole (raises), mol (worth), tamol (betel-nut) and khalo (i have eaten) in Kamrupi.

(g) The eastern dialect favours de-aspiration as against aspiration of Kamrupi in same phonological context.

(h) One of the most prominent features of Kamrupi is the use of initial stress, as opposed to penultimate stress in the eastern dialects, which effectively shortens the word (kumra (Gourd) in Kamrupi  and komora in eastern dialect). 

Morphology

(a) Western Assamese shares morphological peculiarities with North Bengali. The plural suffixes in Western Assamese -hamra and -gila have parallel forms in North Bengali -amrah, the remote demonstrative plural and -gila, -gla.

(b)The plural suffixes of Kamrupi are very different from the eastern Assamese (Kamrupi: -gila, -gilak; Standard: -bor, -bilak). Kamrupi plural suffixes has continuity from ancient times, as opposed to late medieval appearance of bor and bilak in Eastern Assam.

(c) Standard uses -loi in the dative case ending, Kamrupi uses the dative-accusative case ending -k or the locative -t (Kamrupi: gharot/gharok zau; Standard gharaloi zao). The third personal affix in the past tense is -lak (Kamrupi: xi khalak; Eastern Assamese: xi khale).

(d) The instrumental sense -di in Kamrupi is increasingly accepted in the Eastern Assamese now (Kamrupi: hatedi; Standard: hatere).

Similarities with Assamese language

Dr. Nirmalendu Bhowmik, while conversing about resemblance of Kamrupi with Assamese language based on Eastern Assam, observes that regardless of some similarity in morphology, there is absolutely no parallelism in terms of phonology, though both languages shares few common words.

History

A eleventh century work by Kamrupi litterateur Rama Saraswati

     

    The Kamrupi language, despite its current status as a dialect of Bengali and Assamese, has its roots in the Magadhi Prakrit, along with other old Indo-Aryan languages of the eastern region such as Radhi, Vanga, and Varendri. It emerged from this ancient language and eventually gave rise to the modern Assamese language in the eastern part of India.^{9 10} Kamrupi was the predominant language used in ancient and medieval Assamese literature,^11 12 until the arrival of American Christian missionaries in the mid-19th century who introduced the usage of the eastern variety for translating the Bible.^{13 14} The earliest examples of Kamrupi writings and literature can be found in copper plate seals issued by Kamrupi rulers, which were discovered in different parts of Eastern and Northern India. These seals serve as valuable historical documents that shed light on the linguistic landscape of the region during that time.^{15 16 17}
 

    Charyapada is a collection of 8th-12th century Vajrayana Buddhist caryagiti, or mystical poems. Being caryagiti (songs of realization), the Charyapada were intended to be sung. These songs of realization were spontaneously composed verses, that expressed a practitioner's experience of the enlightened state. A manuscript of this anthology was discovered in the early 20th century, by Haraprasad Shastri in Nepal. It provides the examples of the Kamrupi and other Eastern Indo-Aryan languages. The authors of the Charyapada, the Mahasiddhas or Siddhacharyas, belonged to the various regions of Kamrup (Assam), Gauda (Bengal), Kalinga (Orissa) and Mithila (Bihar). A Tibetan translation of the Charyapada was also preserved in the Tibetan Buddhist canon.

    In eighth century, celebrated litterateur Daka of Lehidangra village of Barpeta district composed  authoritative Dakabhanita. The notable medieval Kamrupi literary figures are Rama Saraswati, Ananta Kandali, Sridhara Kandali, Sarvabhauma Bhattacharya, Kalapachandra Dvija and Bhattadeva, the father of Assamesc prose. Hema Saraswati and Haribara Vipra are two other well known Kamrupi poets. Hema Saraswati composed the "Prahlad Charitra" based on the Vamana Purana, while Haribara Vipra translated the Aswamedha Parva of the Mahabharata. Kaviratna was the author of the "Jayadratha Vadha". His home was at Sila, a village within the Barpeta district. The writings of all these three poets are still extant. To a some what later period belonged Madhava Kandali and Rudra Kandali. The former versified portions of the Ramayana and the latter composed, in Kamrupi verse, portions of the Mahabharata.

    Sankara Deva who was born in 1449 A.D., refers to Madhava Kandali as one of the reputed poets belonging to an earlier age. It may therefore place both Madhava Kandali and Rudra Kandali towards the end of the fourteenth century. In his Ramayana, Madhava Kandali himself states that his other name was Kaviraj-Kandali and that though he could easily compose verses in Sanskrit he composed the Ramayana in Assamese verse for the benefit of the people at large. Madhava Kandali wrote also another poem entitled "Devajit." Sixteenth century, witnessed a great development of the vernacular literature of Kamarupa. The Yogini Tantra, a well-known Sanskrit work which gives the boundaries of the kingdom of Kamarupa, as it existed during the rule of the Pala kings, probably written in Kamarupa during the first pact of the sixteenth century. To this period it must also assign the compilation of the Behula Upakhyana by Durgabar Kayastha, a native of Kamakhya.

See also

• Old Kamrupi language
• Kamrupi script
• Kamrupi literature
• Kamrup
• Kamrupi culture
• Standardisation of Kamrupi language
• A Study on Kamrupi (1958 thesis by Dr. Upendranath Goswami)
• The Dark Age of Kamrupi language

References

1. Goswami, Upendranath (1970),  A study on Kāmrūpī: a dialect of Assamese, Dept. of Historical Antiquarian Studies, Assam. p. 4 "Assam from ancient times, was known as Kamarupa till the end of the Koch rule (17th century) and ancient Kamarupa comprised the whole of North Bengal including Cooch-Behar, and the Rangpur and Jalpaiguri districts of Bengal. Its permanent western boundary is said to have been the river Karatoya in North Bengal according to the Kalika Purana and Yoginitantra, both devoted to geographical accounts of ancient Kamarupa. So the Aryan language spoken first in Assam was the Kamrupi language spoken in Rangpur, Cooch-Behar, Goalpara, Kamrup district and some parts of Nowgong and Darrang districts. As also put by K.L. Barua "the Kamrupi dialect was originally a variety of eastern Maithili and it was no doubt the spoken Aryan language throughout the kingdom which then included the whole of the Assam Valley and the whole of Northern Bengal with the addition of the Purnea district of Bihar”. It is in this Kamrupi language that the early Assamese literature was mainly written. Up to the seventeenth century as the centre of art, literature and culture were confined within western Assam and the poets and the writers hailed from this part, the language of this part also acquired prestige. The earliest Assamese writer is Hema Saraswati, the author of a small poem, Prahrada Caritra, who composed his verses under his patron, King Durlabhnarayana of Kamatapur who is said to have ruled in the latter part of the 13th century. Rudra Kandali translated Drone Parva under the patronage of King Tamradhvaja of Rangpur. The most considerable poet of the pre-vaisnavite period is Madhava Kandali, who belonged to the present district of Nowgong and rendered the entire Ramayana into Assamese verse under the patronage of king Mahamanikya, a Kachari King of Jayantapura. The golden age in Assamese literature opened with the reign of Naranarayana, the Koch King. He gathered round him at his court at Cooch-Behar a galaxy of learned man. Sankaradeva real founder of Assamese literature and his favourite disciple Madhavadeva worked under his patronage. The other-best known poets and writers of this vaisnavite period namely Rama Sarasvati, Ananta Kandali, Sridhar Kandali, Sarvabhauma Bhattacharyya, Dvija Kalapachandra and Bhattadeva, the founder of the Assamese prose, all hailed from the present district of Kamarupa. During Naranaryana's reign "the Koch power reached its zenith. His kingdom included practically the whole of Kamarupa of the kings of Brahmapala's dynasty with the exception of the eastern portion known as Saumara which formed the Ahom kingdom. Towards the west the kingdom appears to have extended beyond the Karatoya, for according to Abul Fasal, the author of the Akbarnamah, the western boundary of the Koch kingdom was Tirhut. On the south-west the kingdom included the Rangpur district and part of Mymensingh to the east of the river Brahmaputra which then flowed through that district," The Kamrupi language lost its prestige due to reasons mentioned below and has now become a dialect which has been termed as Kamrupi dialect as spoken in the present district of Kamrup."
2. Medhi, Kaliram (1988), Assamese Grammar and Origin of the Assamese Language, Publication Board, Assam, p.84, "Prose had also been used by the Maithili poets, Vidyapati, Harsanatha and others,--in their dramas. But whereas the Maithili poets prose was in Sanskrit and their songs alone in Maithili Sankara Deva's prose and songs were both in Kamrupi".
3. Sahitya Akademi, Indian literature: Volume 30, 1987 "Ambikagiri set a new trend in Assamese by his abundant use of Kamrupi language in his writings." 
4. Census of India 1951, "Number of Assamese language speakers in Undivided Kamrup district"
5. Census of India 2011, "Number of Assamese language speakers in Undivided Kamrup district"
6. Goswami, Upendranath (1970),  A study on Kāmrūpī: a dialect of Assamese, Dept. of Historical Antiquarian Studies, Assam. p. 28. "The sub-dialectical varieties of Kamrupi may be grouped mainly into three divisions —western, central and southern. The variety spoken in the area comprising Barpeta, Sundardiya, Patbausi, Bhabani- pur etc. is western, that of Nalbari and its surrounding areas is central and that of Palasbari, Chaygong, Boko etc. is southern."
7. ''Goswami, Hemchandra (1930), Descriptive Catalogue Of Assamese Manuscripts, p.145 "There are 1,893 stanzas in the puthi (Ramayana - Lanka Kanda) and it is generally free from spelling mistakes. The writings are uniform and resemble Lahkari characters of Kamrup. The puthi was copied by Dharmanarain Kayastha of Khudramakhibaha in Nambarbhag mauza of Kamrup in saka 1727. 
8. Barua, Birinchi Kumar (1978), The History of Assamese Literature, Sahitya Akademi, p. 6, "Like the Bengali, the Assamese script also was derived from old Devanagari alphabets. Originally there are several schools of Assamese script, namely, Gargaya, Bamunia, Lakhari and Kaithali; but in later years all the different scripts merged into one. After the establishment of the printing-press at Serampore, near Calcutta, Assamese books began to be printed in the Bengali script, and since then the Bengali script has been adopted for Assamese with certain modifications.
9. Datta, Birendranatha  (1999), Folkloric Foragings in India's North-East, p.134 "Scholars have shown that it is rather through the western Assam dialects that the development of modern Assamese has to be traced". 
10. Goswami, Upendranath (1975), Grammatical Sketches of Indian Languages With Comparative Vocabulary And Texts, Linguistic Survey of India, Census of India 1971, p.35 Thus it is clear that Kamrupi dialect does not only claim as the mother of modern Assamese, but also that this speech continued to exert its appreciable influence on Assamese literature, both prose and poetry. It is worth mentioning here that Assamese Vocabularies may greatly be enriched by incorporation of certain important words and expressions, still in vogue in the modern district of Kamrup proper, in modern Assamese lexicon.
11. Medhi, Kaliram (1936), Assamese Grammar and Origin of the Assamese Language, Sri Gouranga Press, p. 66 "The language of the pre-Vaisnava and Vaisnava was the dialect of Western Assam while the language of the modern literature is that of Eastern Assam. This latter has been accepted by the common consent as the literary language of the country. Political power thus determined the centre of literary activity and also of the form of literary language".
12. Goswami, Golockchandra (1982), Structure of Assamese, Department of Publication, Gauhati University, p. 11 "The Eastern and Central dialects may be regarded as uniform to a certain extent in their respective areas, while Western Asamiya is heterogeneous in character, with large regional variations in the east, west, north and south. There must have been in early times as well, diverse dialects and dialect groups as at present. But then, there seems to be only one dominant literary language prevailing over the whole area; and that was Western Asamiya, the sole medium of all ancient Asamiya literature including the Buranjis written in the Ahom courts. This was because the centre of all literary activities in early times was in western Assam; and the writers were patronized by the kings and local potentates of that region. In the later period, however, even though the centre of literary activities moved to eastern Assam in the Ahom period, the writers continued to accept and use the existing model of the literary style of that time". 
13. Garg, Gaṅgā Rām  (1992) , Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world: Volume 3 "With the publication of the translation of the Bible (1838) done by Nathan Brown of the American Baptist Mission Group, modern period of Assamese language began." 
14. George, K. M. Modern Indian literature, an anthology: Volume 3, "In the restoration of the language (Eastern Assamese), American Baptist missionaries played a very significant role."
15. "Choudhury, Dr. Pratap Chandra (1959), The history of civilisation of the people of Assam to the twelfth century A.D., Dept. of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Gauhati, p.395 "The best specimens of wise sayings are contained in a work, 'Dakabhanita', attributed to Daka, written in old Kamarupi dialect. The work provides an important specimen of the ancient literature of Assam. It is, however, too early to ascribe the work to the 6th century A.D., as done by D.N. Bezbarua. It may have been composed about the 8th century A.D. It is true that Daka flourished at a time when the written literature of Assam had scarcely taken its birth. The place of the nativity of Daka is given in the work, which states that he was the native of the Lehidangara near modern Barpeta."
16. Goswami, Upendranath (1970), A study on Kamrupi: a dialect of Assamese, 1970, "They cannot furnish the grammatical structure of Kamrupi or Assamese for which we are to turn our attention to the songs of the Buddhist Siddhacaryas, known as Caryas, composed in between 8th to 12th centuries A.D". 
17. "The Kamrupi Apabhramsa" in The Journal of the Assam Research Society - Volume 18 (1968), Kāmarūpa Anusandhān Samiti, p.83,"However, Kamrupi Ap. is mostly related to that of Magadhi Ap. in the 7th century A.D., for which Chinese Pilgrim Yuan Chwang passed an worthy remark that the language of Kamrupa 'differs a little from that of Mid-India'.After dealing with Inscriptional Prakrits of oldest Kamrupi language, we find distinct Kamrupi Apabhramsa in written evidence of Carya- padas. These are the Buddhist songs based on Buddhist religion and life-philosophy"
18. Goswami, Upendranath, "The Assames Script" in The Journal of the Assam Research Society - Volume 27 (1983), Kāmarūpa Anusandhān Samiti, p.27 "The Kamarupi script developed into the mediaeval Assamese script and the latter into the modern Assamese script. The Assamese script maintains some relationship with the Bengali and the Maithili scripts." 
19. Goswami, Upendranath (1970), A Study on Kāmrūpī: A Dialect of Assamese, p.iii "The Assamese language, coming from the west was first characterized in Kamrup or Western Assam whose boundary comprised in early times the whole of North-Bengal, including Cooch-Behar, Rangpur and Jalpaiguri districts of Bengal." 
20. Bangladesh Itihas Samiti (1999), Sylhet: History and Heritage, p.591 "Suniti Kumar Chatterjee in his Origin and Development of Bangla Language (ODBL) divided the Bangla dialect into four groups in accordance with the name of the regions such as Rada, Pundra or Barindra, Banga and Kamrupi."
21. Barma, Sukhbilas (2007), Socio-Political Movements In North Bengal "Suniti Kumar Chatterji, in "The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language' published in 1926 has given to this dialect of North Bengal the name 'Kamrupi'."
22. Sharma, Deba Brat (1995), Changing Cultural Mosaic of a Village in Assam, p.10, "an end the kingdom of Kamarupa and since then the area between the rivers the Manas on the west and the Barnadi on the east came to be known as Kamrup." 
23. T. Raatan (2006), History, Religion and Culture of North East India, p.70 "Known in the ancient lore as the kingdom of Pragjyotisha and Kamrupa, the capital having been Pragjyotishpura situated in or near Guwahati".
24. Tripathi, Chandra Dhar  (2002), Aspects of the medieval history of Assam, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, p.17 "Ratnapala founded a new city called Sri Durjaya and shifted his capital there. It has been identified with the ruins at modern North Gauhati."
25. Bhattasali, N.K (2005), New Lights on the History of Assam in Suresh Kant Sharma, Usha Sharma (2005), Discovery of North-East India, p.248, "Davaka (Nowgong) and Kamarupa as separate and submissive friendly kingdoms."
26. Barua, Kanak Lal (1933), Early History of Kamarupa: from the Earliest Times to the End of the Sixteenth Century, p. 31, "in the sixth or the seventh century this kingdom of Davaka was absorbed by Kamarupa" 
27. Goswami, Upendranath (1970), A study on Kāmrūpī: a dialect of Assamese, p.1 "Assamese entered into Kamarupa or western Assam where this speech was first characterised as Assamese. This is evident from the remarks of Hiuen Tsang, who visited the Kingdom of Kamarupa in the first half of the seventh century A.D., during the reign of Bhaskaravarman." 
28. Chatterji, Suniti Kumar (1926), The origin and development of the Bengali language, Volume 1 "One would expect one and identical language to have been current in North Central Bengal (Pundra-vardhana) and North Bengal and West Assam (Kamarupa) in the 7th century, since these tracts, and other parts of Bengal, had almost the same speech." 
29. Martin, Robert Montgomery (1838), Puraniya, Ronggopoor and Assam "The ancient Hindu territory of Kamrup, which extends east from the Korotoya, where it joined the kingdom of Motsyo, to Dikkorbasini." 
30. Great Britain India Office, The India list and India Office list, 1819 "The earliest authentic traditions attest the existence of a Hindu kingdom of Kamrup, with its capital at Gauhati." 
31. Barma, Sukhabilasa (2004), Bhawaiya, ethnomusicological study, Global Vision Publishing House, ISBN:9788182200708, 8182200709, p.101 "Based on the materials of the Linguistic Survey of India, Suniti Kumar Chattopadhyay has divided Eastern Magadhi Prakrita and Apabhramsa into four dialect groups (1) Radha-the language of West Bengal and Orissa (2) Varendra-dialect of North Central Bengal (3) Kamrupi-dialect of Northern Bengal and Assam and (4) Vanga-dialect of East Bengal." 
32. Barma, Sukhabilasa (2004), Bhawaiya, ethnomusicological study, Global Vision Publishing House, ISBN:9788182200708, 8182200709, p.103 "Acharya Suniti Chattopadhyay has commented that Assam was practically an extension of North Bengal, from its geographical position, so far as its speech and early history were concerned". 
33. Barma, Sukhabilasa (2004), Bhawaiya: Ethnomusicological Study, Global Vision Publishing House, ISBN:9788182200708, 8182200709, p.135 "Particularly with the introduction of tea garden , spreading of tobacco and jute cultivation and trading in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries , lots of people speaking Bengali and Radhi came to North Bengal for their livelihood and as such Kamrupi language got mixed up with their languages".
34. Chatterji, Suniti Kumar (1926), The origin and development of the Bengali language, Volume 1 "One would expect one and identical language to have been current in North Central Bengal (Pundra-vardhana) and North Bengal and West Assam (Kamarupa) in the 7th century, since these tracts, and other parts of Bengal, had almost the same speech".
35. Chatterji, Suniti Kumar (1926), The origin and development of the Bengali language, Volume 1 "Eastern Magadhi Prakrita and Apabhramsa has four dialect groups (1) Radha-the language of West Bengal and Orissa (2) Varendra-dialect of North Central Bengal (3)Kamarupa-dialect of Northern Bengal and Assam and (4) Vanga-dialect of East Bengal". 
36. Barma, Sukhabilasa (2004), Bhawaiya, ethnomusicological study Dr. Sukumar Sen says, "Oriya and Assamese have intimate relations with Bengali. All three were the same language initially. There is not much difference between Kamrupi dialect of Bengali and Assamese. Assamese has differed from Kamrupi in the modern period because of inclusion of innumerable Deshi words." 
37. Choudhary, Radhakrishna (1976), A Survey of Maithili Literature, p.16 "According to Kanak Lal Barua, the Kamrupi dialect was originally a variety of eastern Maithili and it was, no doubt, the spoken Aryan language throughout the kingdom which then included the whole of Assam valley and whole of North Bengal with the addition of the district of Purnea. The language of the Buddhist Dohas is described as belonging to the mixed Maithili - Kamrupi language." 
38. Goswami, Upendranath  (1970), A Study on Kāmrūpī: A Dialect of Assamese, p.96 "In early Assamese we find such forms : dayaluka rama tumi bolaya sansare" 
39. Goswami, Upendranath (1970), A study on Kamrupi: a dialect of Assamese, Dept. of Historical Antiquarian Studies, Assam. p. 14 "Politically, socially and culturally Kamrup formed a separate unit and its speech also was compelled to take a shape to form a distinct dialect. It is only by chance that this dialect had to lose its prestige and had to remain as a dialect".
40. Barua, Kanak Lal (1933), Early History of Kamarupa, p. 318 "The Kamarupi dialect was originally a variety of eastern Maithili and it was no doubt the spoken Aryan language throughout the kingdom which then included the whole of the Assam valley and the whole of northern Bengal with the addition of the Purnea district of Bihar. It is not therefore at all strange the language of the Buddhist Dohas, composed in Kamarupa during the tenth and the eleventh centuries, should be a mixed Maithili-Kamrupi language bearing close resemblance to modern Assamese, the direct offspring of the old Kamarupi dialect."

Bibliography

• Goswami, Upendranath (1970),  A study on Kāmrūpī: a dialect of Assamese, Dept. of Historical Antiquarian Studies, Assam.
• Medhi, Kaliram (1936), Assamese Grammar and Origin of the Assamese Language, Publication Board, Assam
• Goswami, Golockchandra (1982), Structure of Assamese, Department of Publication, Gauhati University
• Chatterji, Suniti Kumar (1926), The origin and development of the Bengali language, Volume 1, Calcutta university press
• Goswami, Golockchandra (1966), An introduction to Assamese phonology, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute
• Goswami, Upendranath (1957), Onomatopoetic and echo-words in Kamrupi
• Goswami, Upendranath (1957), O. I. A. sibilants in Kāmrupi
• Goswami, Upendranath (1978), An introduction to Assamese, Mani-Manik Prakash
• Sengupta, Madhumita (2016), Becoming Assamese: Colonialism and New Subjectivities in Northeast India, Routeledge India

External links 

• Kamrupi: a language with no army, livemint.com, 23 October 2017, Retrieved 12 September 2025

Prayagraj stone pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta

Prayag Prashasti

Prayagraj stone pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta is writings in stone pillar during the term of king Samudra Gupta, the ruler of  the Gupta Empire (c. 335 – c. 375 CE), located in Prayaga (now in Uttar Pradesh), inscribing events during his tenure in and around his empire.

Content

Though some the parts of inscription are unreadable, few are in good shape.

• Line 1 - [Who] by his own kinsmen , ;-whose .

• Line 2g - This lofty column (is) as it were an arm of the earth, proclaiming the

fame,-which, having pervaded the entire surface of the earth with (its) development that was caused by (his) conquest of the whole world, (has departed) hence (and now) experiences the sweet happiness attained by (his) having gone to the abode of (Indra) the lord of the gods,-of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Samudragupta,
. . . . . . . . . .;-

• Line 3 - [Who] twanging (of the bow-string) burst open and

scattered dishevelled ;

• Line 5 - Whose happy mind was accustomed to associate with learned people; who

was the supporter of the real truth of the scriptures; firmly fixed . . .;-who, having overwhelmed, with the (force of the) commands of the collective merits of (his) learned men, those things which obstruct the beauty of excellent poetry, (still) enjoys, in the world of the wise, the sovereignty of the fame (produced) by much poetry, . . . . . . and of clear meaning;-

• Line 7 - Who, being looked at (with envy) by the faces, melancholy (through the

rejection of themselves), of others of equal birth, while the attendants of the court breathed forth deep sighs (of happiness), was bidden by (his) father,--who, exclaiming "Verily (he is) worthy," embraced (him) with the hairs of (his) body standing erect (through pleasure) (and thus) indicative of (his) sentiments, and scanned (him) with an eye turning round and round in affection, (and) laden with tears (of joy), (and) perceptive of (his noble) nature,-[to govern of a surety] the whole world;

• Line 9 - Whose some people (were accustomed to) taste with

affection, displaying exceeding great joy when they beheld (his) many actions that resembled nothing of a mortal nature; (and) whose protection other people, afflicted by (his) prowess, sought, performing obeisance, ;--.

• Line 11 - [Whose] doers of great wrong, always conquered by his

arm in battle, to-morrow and to-morrow pride repentance, with minds filled with contentment (and) expanding with much clearly displayed pleasure and affection, the spring (?);-

• Line 13 - By whom,-having, unassisted, with the force of the prowess of (his) arm

that rose up so as to pass all bounds, uprooted Achyuta and Nâgasêna . . .;-(by whom), causing him who was born in the family of the Kôtas to be captured by (his) armies, (and) taking his pleasure at (the city) that had the name of Pushpa, while the sun the banks ;-

• Line 15 - (Of whom it used to be said),- "The building of the pale of religion; fame as

white as the rays of the moon, (and) spreading far and wide; wisdom that pierced the essential nature of things; calmness ; the path of the sacred hymns, that is worthy to be studied; and even poetry, which gives free vent to the power of the mind of poets; (all these are his); (in short) what (virtue) is there that does not belong to him, who alone is a worthy subject of contemplation for those who can recognise merit and intellect ?;"-

• Line 17 - Who was skilful in engaging in a hundred battles of various kinds;-whose

only ally was the prowess of the strength of his own arm;-who was noted for prowess;- whose most charming body was covered over with all the beauty of the marks of a hundred confused wounds, caused by the blows of battle-ayes, arrows, spears, pikes, barbed darts, swords, lances, javelins for throwing, iron arrows, vaitastikas, and many other (weapons);-

• Line 19 - Whose great good fortune was mixed with, so as to be increased by (his)

glory produced by the favour shewn in capturing and then liberating Mahêndra of Kôsala, Vyâghraraja of Mahâkantâra, Mantarâja of Kêrala, Mahêndra of Pishtapura, Svâmidatta of Kottûra on the hill, Damana of Êrandapalla, Vishnugôpa of Kâñchi, Nîlarâija of Avamukta, Hastivarman of Vengî, Ugrasêna of Palakka, Kubêra of Dêvarâshtra, Dhanamjaya of Kusthalapura, and all the other kings of the region of the south;-

• Line 21 - Who abounded in majesty that had been increased by violently

exterminating Rudradêva, Matila, Nâgadatta, Chandravarman, Ganapatinâga, Nâgasêna, Achyuta, Nandin, Balavarman, and many other kings of (the land of) Âryâvarta;-who made all the kings of the forest countries to become (his) servants;

• Line 22 - Whose imperious commands were fully gratified, by giving all (kinds of) taxes and obeying (his) orders and coming to perform obeisance, by the frontier-kings of Samatata, Davâka, Kâmarûpa, Nêpâla, Kartripura, and other (countries), and by the Mâlavas, Ârjunâyanas, Yaudhêyas, Mâdrakas, Abhîras, Prârjunas, Sanakânîkas, Kâkas, Kharaparikas, and other (tribes);-

• Line 23 - Whose tranquil fame, pervading .the whole world, was generated by

establishing (again) many royal families, fallen and deprived of sovereignty;-whose binding together of the (whole) world, by means of the amplitude of the vigour of (his) arm, was effected by the acts of respectful service, such as offering themselves as sacrifices, bringing presents of maidens, (giving) Garuda-tokens, (surrendering) the enjoyment of their own territories, soliciting (his) commands, &c., (rendered) by the Daivaputras, Shâhis, Shâhânushâhis, Sakas, and Murundas, and by the people of Simhala and all (other) dwellers in islands;-who had no antagonist (of equal power) in the world;-who, by the overflow of the multitude of (his) various virtues adorned by a hundred good actions, rubbed out the fame of other kings with the soles of (his) feet;- who, being incomprehensible, was the spirit that was the cause of the production of good and the destruction of evil;-who, being full of compassion, had a tender heart that could be won over simply by devotion and obeisance;-who was the giver of many hundreds of thousands of cows;-

• Line 26 - Whose mind busied itself with the support and the initiation, &c., of the

miserable, the poor, the helpless, and the afflicted;--who was the glorified personification of kindness to mankind;-who was equal to (the gods) Dhanada and Varuna and Indra and Antaka;-whose officers were always employed in restoring the wealth of the various kings who had been conquered by the strength of his arms;-

• Line 27 - Who put to shame (Kashyapa) the preceptor of (Indra) the lord of the gods,

and Tumburu, and Nârada, and others, by (his) sharp and polished intellect and choral skill and musical accomplishments;- who established (his) title of ‘king of poets’ by various poetical compositions that were fit to be the means of subsistence of learned people;-whose many wonderful and noble deeds are worthy to be praised for a very long time;-

• Line 28 - Who was a mortal only in celebrating the rites of the observances of

mankind, (but was otherwise) a god, dwelling on the earth;-who was the son of the son's son of the Mahârâja, the illustrious Gupta;- who was the son's son of the Maharaja, the illustrious Ghatotkacha;--who vas the son of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (I.), (and)- the daughter's son of Lichchhavi, begotten on the Mahâdêvî Kumâradêvî;-

• Line 30 - (And) chose fame,-ever heaped up higher and higher by the development of (his) liberality and prowess of arm and composure and (study of ) the precepts of the

scriptures,- --travelling by many paths, purifies the three worlds, as if it were the pale yellow water of (the river) Gangâ, flowing quickly on being liberated from confinement in the thickets of the matted hair of (the god) Pashupati.

• Line 31 - And this poetical composition,- (the work) of the Khâdyatapâkika, the son of the Mahâdandanâyaka Dhruvabhûti, the Sâmdhivigrahika and Kumârâmatya, the Mahâdandanâyaka Harishêna, who is the slave of these same feet of the Bhattâraka, (and) whose mind is expanded by the favour of constantly walking about in (his)

presence,-let it be for the welfare and happiness of all existing beings!

• Line 33 - And the accomplishment of the matter has been effected by the

Mahâdandanâyaka Tilabhattaka, who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattâraka.